Monday, May 26, 2008

Dope, Inc. - Part 3: Organized Crime

Written by Konstandinos Kalimtgis, David Goldman, Jeffrey Steinberg
Monday, 26 May 2008


Dope, Inc.

We have now taken the reader through the production and wholesaling phase of Dope, Incorporated. We have introduced the Far East clearinghouse bank, the Hongkong & Shanghai Bank and the gold and diamond houses that with HongShang feed the black market with invisible forms of payment.

In the following pages we will concentrate on the distribution side of Dope, Incorporated's business cycle. We will first enter the Canadian board rooms where the Keswicks, the Inchcapes and their representatives brush shoulders with the wholesalers of the drug trade — the Zionist Hofjuden middlemen — whose assigned task is to ensure swift and secure delivery of that "most valuable source of revenue" to Britain's retail distributors: the mob. The Bronfman family of Canada is our leading case, since they are the top middlemen for the U.S. market which, in turn, is the richest in the world.

Beneath the respectable veneer of the Bronfmans' corporate financial empire we will uncover Dope, Incorporated subsidiaries that control the criminal underworld of North America. We will look closely at Meyer Lansky, the Marcello family, and other "Mafia" figures and discover that like China's Green Gang, the mob is a secret army, a fifth column controlled by Britain against the United States.

We will trace the drug money to the gambling casinos and other "legitimate" enterprises that are the syndicate's indispensable storefront cover for the drug trade. From these respectable enterprises we will trace the drug money into the halls of the state assemblies, city councils, congressional offices, and into the pockets of America's contemporary Benedict Arnolds and Aaron Burrs, among whom we will find Edward Kennedy, Jacob Javits, Henry "Scoop" Jackson, and other leading lights of the Zionist Lobby. We will find tainted heroin money being funneled into Zionist organizations and from Zionist fronts back into political machines for the dual purpose of buying protection for the drug trade and shaping U.S. policy.

We will then take a grand tour through the Anglo-Dutch offshore banking centers, watching money being laundered through Basel, Liechtenstein, Tel Aviv, and the Bahamas; tracing it carefully as it changes ownership from the mob, to the Bronfmans, to British banks, to the Israeli Mossad — finally ending up in dummy corporations to finance international terrorism and a privately owned worldwide assassination bureau.

By the time we finish, the reader will have a view of organized crime that tears to shreds all the fairy tales of the drugstores novels and Grade-B Hollywood productions. The image of gangsters and thieves lurking in the dark underworld will dissipate before the fact that we are dealing with the most highly integrated, top-down political machinery in the world — one that enjoys the logistical support of a $200 billion per annum international cartel and the "protection" of every political entity Britain has created through these vast "invisible earnings."

The cutouts

The police investigator has a problem in trying to track down the source of the drug trade: he invariably proceeds from the bottom up and gets lost along the way long before he reaches the level of command that counts. Every year, local police arrest thousands of street corner and schoolyard pushers, yet it is a rare occasion when any of these arrests leads to the arrest of higher up syndicate figures who ply the street trade in the first place. And these local syndicate warlords are themselves usually several steps removed from the "Mr. Bigs."

As Part II of this report demonstrated, at the top, British banking — through HongShang — controls the production and wholesaling side of Dope, Incorporated. This "outfront" activity in the Far East is protected by the legal technicality that the area is off-limits to U.S. investigative agencies. (As one experienced U.S. foreign service officer put it, "It would be easier for a white Anglo-Saxon Protestant to penetrate the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party than it would be to gain access to the Hong Kong or Swiss bank accounts of the drug traders.") At the retail, distribution end, there is no parallel way of directly linking the British oligarchy to the drug traffic — at least not with the ordinary tools of the police trade.

One of the ABCs of any covert operation is the time-tested practice of securing middlemen — or, to use the professional expression, "cutouts" — that effectively conceal the identities of the stage managers who run the show from behind the lace and velvet curtains. From the top all the way down to the street level, Dope, Incorporated is run through layer upon layer of such cutouts.

Even in China, where the British Crown brazenly pursued its opium policy, it operated through the corrupted Soong family which carried out the day-to-day business operations for Jardine Matheson.

In the West, the prime cutout for Dope, Incorporated is the Zionist Lobby.

This cutout begins at the top with the cohesive grouping of Hofjuden ("Court Jews") who serve the British monarchy as loyal, wholly owned servants. These families, whom we will meet by name, have a centuries-long tradition of attaching themselves to the predominant noble houses of Europe, providing indispensable services as tax-farmers and errand boys for the types of missions that the aristocrats would prefer to plan but not get caught in carrying out.

Many of these Hofjuden families migrated from Amsterdam to Britain after the "Glorious Revolution" (1688), which brought the Dutch House of Orange onto the British throne in alliance with the most bucolic, feudalist landed gentry of the Isles. That Anglo-Dutch merger of the late 17th century turned Britain into the most powerful center of the European oligarchical faction — a status it has maintained for three centuries. For these Hofjuden families, the relocation to Britain marked no shift in allegiance; they have functioned as servants for the oligarchical system, not for specific houses. Several of the Hofjuden families who converged on London during the 17th and 18th centuries had served the Genoese bankers in their takeover of Holland, had participated in the Dutch East India Company's first expeditions in opium trade, and had collaborated over the centuries with the British Jesuits against European humanist forces.

The Hofjuden should not be confused with the Jewish people. In much the same way that one would not condemn an entire nation for the crimes committed by its most deranged citizens, one cannot condemn the entire Jewish people for the centuries of crime committed by the Hofjuden. The only relationship the Hofjuden have had to Jewry is that of persecutors and tormentors. As the clandestine operations bureau for the oligarchy, they quickly learned that they could augment their capabilities tremendously by subjecting Jews to waves of persecutions and then recruiting terrorized Jews into Zionist organizations that had as their ostensible aim the "survival" of Jewry! In street parlance, the Hofjuden have run a six-century-long protection-extortion racket against the Jewish people — to the overall effect of building up a sizable "Zionist" network at the disposal of British Secret Intelligence. This traditional relationship to Jewry was carried to its lawful conclusion in the 20th century when the Rothschilds, Warburgs, Oppenheimers, Schroeders, and other Hofjuden became the leading financial backers of Adolf Hitler.

One of the greatest benefits that the Hofjuden gained by their complicity in Hitler's genocide of the East European population was that they could henceforth hide behind the memory of the awesome fate of millions of Jews and conduct the filthiest sorts of operations — from drug-running to terrorism to genocide against Arab and related populations — without being exposed for these crimes against humanity. Whenever any critic attempted to expose these crimes, he was quickly assaulted as a "Nazi," a "fascist," or an "anti-Semite."

It is neither unrelated nor coincidental that these Zionist Hofjuden were delegated the role of cutouts between the inner circles of the British nobility and the filthiest gutters of organized crime. Even within the Hofjuden, we encounter two levels: one is the centuries-old families (the Hofjuden "elite") who rub shoulders with and are intermarried with the nobility; and the second, the "initiates" — "chosen" by the Hofjuden elite to be the drug-runners, the bootleggers, the murderers, and extortionists - who themselves hope that by slavishly serving the British oligarchy they will be placed among the ranks of the Zionist "respectables."

Within the first category, we find such "respectable houses" as these:

The Montefiores trace their origin as "special operations" experts for the European oligarchy to the 13th century in Spain, when they ran errands as tax farmers and Inquisitors for their masters, the Genoese. The Montefiores later moved to Holland to help found the Dutch East India Company and the Bank of Holland. After the Stuart Restoration of the mid-17th century, the Montefiores moved to England where they helped establish the Bank of England and the British East India Company. Under Sir Moses Montefiore, the family collaborated with Lord Palmerston and Prime Minister Disraeli in the founding of the present-day Zionist "movement."

The Goldsmids and Mocattas have been the leading bullion merchants for the royal family of England since the Stuart Restoration, predating the founding of the Bank of England. As we have seen, both families conduct a significant portion of the black marketeering in precious metals for the Hong Kong drug traffic.

The Oppenheimers control a large portion of the diamond and gold mining in South Africa and are interlocked with the HongShang Bank to provide yet another means of exchange for drug transactions.

The Canadian de Hirsch family bankrolled much of the Jewish migration from Eastern Europe to Canada and is still a bank-roller of Zionist organizations.

The Sassoons were the first Hofjuden family to concentrate their resources primarily in opium production. Known as the "Rothschilds of the East," they settled in India at the beginning of the 18th century. The Sassoons relocated in 1949 to the Caribbean where they established themselves on the ground floor of casino gambling and unregulated offshore banking.

The Rothschilds began their fortune in Hesse-Cassel, Germany by supplying Hessian mercenaries to the Hanoverian King George III of Britain against the American colonies. They are "johnny-come-latelys" to the Hofjuden circle, having only seriously gained a place in the oligarchical court with the Treaty of Vienna in 1815. From that point, however, the Rothschilds have expended considerable resources toward the subversion of the American republic; they maintain an "investment" presence in Dope, Incorporated.

Immediately below the Hofjuden elite are those "initiate" families selected and sponsored to run the criminal underworld and its "legitimate" front organizations. Into this category falls the powerful Bronfman family of Canada, the Hong Kong of North America. By all accounts one of the richest families in the world, the Bronfmans are a sterling example of a family hand-picked and raised out of the gutter to become some of the best paid crooks in the world. A Bronfman illegal loan of $350,000 to the Campaign to Re-Elect Hugh Carey as Governor of New York recently caused a public outcry, but as the story we now tell shows, the Bronfmans themselves are owned and operated by the British banking elite of Dope, Incorporated.

The Bronfman Gang

The Bronfman family is best known to Americans through its ownership of Seagram, the biggest liquor company in North America. The family's holdings stretch from whiskey, banking, mining, real estate, and — although somewhat less publicized — narcotics. Today they are regarded as respectable and outstanding "philanthropists" whose name is attached to everything important in Canada — and Israel — be it government, business, or "cultural" affairs.

This was not always the public profile of the Bronfman family. Less than 50 years ago, they were known to be the biggest boot-loggers in North America and were referred to by the less prestigious title "the Bronfman gang."

The Bronfmans have always been beholden to the Hofjuden elite. The first member of the family to come to North America was Yechiel Bronfman, a grist mill owner from Bessarabia, Romania, who later anglicized his name to Ekiel. Yechiel emigrated to Canada in 1889 under the sponsorship of the Moses Montefiore Jewish Colonialization Committee. (1)

This enterprise had been initiated at an 1872 meeting between Baron Maurice de Hirsch, Baron Alfred de Rothschild, and other Zionists that established a Jewish Colonialization Association to bring selected Russian and Eastern European Jews to agricultural settlements ("kibbutzim") in the Canadian provinces of Manitoba and Saskatchewan. (2) The same period marked the transfer of the Warburg, Kuhn, Loeb, and related Our Crowd migration from Germany and Britain into lower Manhattan. In 1912 William Sebag Montefiore himself arrived in Montreal where he spent the remainder of his life (d. 1950). Lord Harold Sebag Montefiore, current head of the Jerusalem Foundation (the Zionist wing of the Most Venerable Order of St. John of Jerusalem) was sent to Canada for his early education. In the same period, Baron de Hirsch established the De Hirsch Foundation in Canada as the umbrella for all Canadian Jewish "philanthropic" activities and the Montefiores created a club (named after the family) to service the resident Zionist elites. The Rothschilds, too, planted a branch of their family on Canadian soil.

Meanwhile, in Saskatchewan, the Bronfman family found little interest in eking a living out of the plains of midwestern Canada. The strenuously Orthodox Jewish family first turned to selling wood, then to horse trading, and then most successfully to the hotel business (and prostitution). (3)

In Yiddish Bronfman means "liquorman," and the hotel business put the Bronfmans in a good position to take advantage of the 1915 advent of Canadian prohibition. Bronfman hotels became "boozeriums." Prohibition — enacted on orders from the Privy Council as the prelude to the 1920s U.S. Prohibition and birth of organized crime — catapulted the Bronfmans into the multimillionaire bracket and a status as the untouchable kingpins of crime in North America.

During Canada's four dry years from 1915 to 1919, the Bronfmans established their contacts with U.S. criminal figures for illegally importing liquor into Canada. In 1916, the Bronfmans established their first link with the opium trade proper. Samuel and Abe Bronfman, two of Ekiel's four sons, collaborated with the Hudson's Bay Company — in which the Keswick family of Jardine Matheson had controlling interest — to buy the Canadian Pure Drug Company. In this way the Bronfmans rushed into the loophole in the War Measures Act that permitted the distribution by pharmacists of alcohol for "medicinal" purposes.

When prohibition in Canada ended in 1919 and Prohibition in the United States began, the Bronfmans simply turned from whiskey importing to whiskey exporting. After it was all over, in May 1936 the Bronfmans agreed to pay $1.5 million to settle their account with the U.S. Treasury; the sum amounted to an admission that half the liquor that came into the United States during Prohibition was from the "liquormans." (4)

The "Seagram Chickencock" the family poured across the border was pure poison — a mixture of pure alcohol, sulfuric acid, caramel, water, and aged rye whiskey that paralyzed its victim. Between 1920 and 1930, 34,000 Americans died from alcoholpoisoning.

Their control of liquor flow into Prohibition USA gave the Bronfmans literally life-and-death control over American crime. Refusing to play ball with the Bronfman gang usually spelled death, and independently minded gang bosses were often known to be executed by their lieutenants on the Bronfmans' behalf. One of the buyers best liked by the gang was New York City beer baron Arthur Flegenheimer, a.k.a. Dutch Schultz, who succeeded in wiping out his competition including the notorious killer Legs Diamond. Schultz himself was later rubbed out when he took it into his head to murder the reforming New York District Attorney Thomas Dewey. (We will meet up with Mr. Dewey later in regard to the Mary Carter Paint Company.) (5)

In the first years of Prohibition, Ekiel's four boys ran all bootlegging from the prairie states of Canada to major distribution sites south like Chicago. To secure the shipment lines, Harry set up a dummy firm, Transcanada Transport Company. Trans-canada was a protective cover for the Canadian Pacific Railway owned by respectable gentlemen back in London, which ran the whiskey across the border. (6) The Bronfmans also bought up stretches of barren farmland along the border and even built an underground pipeline to pump their "chickencock" into the United States. During these early years, the Bronfmans were scarcely under the protective wing of their Zionist sponsors. Thus, for example, in 1932 Bronfman brother-in-law Paul Matoff was executed gangland-style by the Chicago mob in a dispute over profit splitting. A scandal ensued, public hearings were convened, and the Bronfman crimes came spilling out into the light of day. The Bronfmans received a mild reprimand from the Canadian government and relocated their operations to Montreal.

1922 also marks the year that the Bronfmans procured their own distillery, hauled with workmen included from Kentucky to Montreal.

Since 1920 the Bronfmans had been importing British whiskey from the Distillery Company of London (DCL), which controlled more than half the world market in scotch whiskey. Owned by the higher echelons of the British nobility including Field Marshal Haig, Lord Dewar, Lord Woolavington, and others, the dispensation of distribution rights was a decision made by HM the King. In 1926, upon the request of Samuel Bronfman, the DCL agreed to go 50-50 in the Bronfmans' distillery and the Distillery Corporation Limited was formed as a holding company with Bronfman and Seagram distilleries. Headquarters were established at the Bronfmans' corporate castle in Montreal, but it was the Distillery Company of London's William Ross who was installed as president with Sam Bronfman as vice-president. The British elite had made a decision to go with the Bronfman option.

Despite the massive infusion of capital and the newly gained legitimacy the link-up with DCL afforded them, the smell of Bronfman smuggling both into and out of Canada and their wholesale bribery of Canadian customs a la Hong Kong had gotten too strong. In 1928 the Royal Commission on Customs recommended the immediate prosecution of Harry Bronfman on charges of attempted bribery. Nothing happened, but shortly thereafter the Bronfmans created the Atlas Shipping Company and moved their smuggling operations to the French islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, 15 miles off the Newfoundland coast. With licenses in Bermuda, Saint John, New Brunswick, and Belize, British Honduras, the Atlas Shipping Company was one of the first ties laid down in the dirty money-drug underground railway between Canada and the Caribbean. (7)

A little ditty popular during the time indicates the amusement with which the British viewed the entire operation:

Four and twenty Yanks

Feeling very dry,
Went across the border
To get a drink of rye.
When the rye was opened,
The Yanks began to sing:
"God bless America,
But God save the King."

Organized crime comes of age

With Prohibition, crime became a bigtime business. It was no longer based on small-scale prostitution, loan sharking, or petty protection rackets. Now it was centralized around the marketing of one precious and outlawed commodity whose supply was controlled from London and from the British colony of Canada.

Crime was reorganized from top to bottom into an integrated wholesale and retail distribution chain with well-defined marketing districts, quotas, and uniform pricing. Crime became syndicated.

Hundreds of movies spewed out of Hollywood about the "Roaring Twenties" have glamorized the truth: with Prohibition, Britain — through its Bronfman Gang cutout — had created a nationally syndicated crime cancer. Within a decade of the Roaring Twenties, the Bronfman syndicate would be peddling heroin, cocaine, and every other available poisonous drug through the same wholesaling, transporting, and retailing system that bootlegged booze.

Bronfman's counterpart in the United States was one Arnold Rothstein. Just as Bronfman made it into the bigtime under the auspices of the Hofjuden elite, so Arnie Rothstein was sponsored by Our Crowd Zionist investment bankers who arrived in New York as the Montefiores were setting up business in Canada.

Arnold Rothstein — the godfather of organized crime — was the son of a wealthy Our Crowd dry goods merchant.

At the turn of the century, the Russell Sage Foundation had issued a well-publicized field study of loan sharking in New York City. (8) The report's wide publicity resulted in the bankrupting, jailing, or takeover of the petty gangsters by Rothstein, who emerged as a powerful Tammany Hall figure with a fabled loan sharking business estimated at several million dollars.

Regionwide combines were formed up and down the East Coast for smooth distribution. The Reinfeld Syndicate — named after the Newark, New Jersey bootlegger and accused murderer Joseph Reinfeld — functioned as the middleman between the British liquor distilleries and the "Rum Rows" of Boston and New York. Its controlling shareholders were the four Bronfman brothers, Allan, Sam, Edgar, and Charles. The U.S. leg was handled by Reinfeld and Abner "Longie" Zwillman, later the boss of Atlantic City, and Rothstein's gangs in New York. (9)

In 1927, the Big Seven combine consolidated the entire East Coast distribution system. Its organizer was John Torrio — a dapper little gentleman who without benefit of family, racket, or turf had gained notoriety for eliminating any local crime bosses who stood in the way of national syndication. Torrio was a Bronfman man who had murdered his own uncle to prove it. Brought into Chicago in 1910 by his uncle, racketeer "Big Jim" Colosimo, Torrio smelled the wind on the eve of Prohibition and demanded that his uncle start making the right contacts to get into the lucrative business of bootlegging. When "Big Jim" refused, Torrio had him murdered and took over the Chicago mob as the distribution point for the Bronfman liquor. (10)

In 1925, Torrio suddenly left Chicago heading first for Havana and then landing in Italy. Returning to the United States in 1927 after he miraculously "escaped" Mussolini's purges of the Mafia, Torrio came back with one goal: to build a nationally) organized crime syndicate.

While the mad killers and punks like Dutch Schultz, Legs Diamond, and Al Capone made the headlines every day and provided good material for gangster movies, John Torrio quietly continued the work that Arnold Rothstein (assassinated in 1928) had begun, now with the aid of Rothstein's successor Meyer Lansky. Torrio could do what Lansky and the Bronfmans were prohibited from doing for reasons of ethnicity: discipline the scores of family local crime chieftains and "moustache petes" into one centralized business that could penetrate every sector of the economy. Known as the "assassin who never carries a gun," Torrio presented himself as the elder statesman of organized crime and commanded respect from the Mafia locals. "Cooperation is good for business" was his slogan.

The Big Seven had been Torrio's first step. The cooperative of East Coast bootleggers controlled from the top down to the local levels all prices, membership, centralized distribution points, corruption, and protection.

By 1928 Torrio was able to call a Cleveland meeting to establish a nationwide crime syndicate. (11) The gathering was unique in that it had succeeded in bringing together into one room all the crime bosses of every major organized city. There were three i t e m s on the agenda. First, how to use the huge profits of Prohibition and invest them in legitimate business that would permit a s t e a d i l y increasing take for the syndicate. Second, how to deal with the Italian question. The ritual vendetta murders of the Mafioso families were good for the newspapers, said Torrio, but bad for business. Immediately after the meeting the Castellammarese gang wars broke out in New York as the test case for Torrio's syndicate. Under the auspices of Lansky and Torrio, Lucky Luciano succeeded in wiping out all recalcitrant godfathers. During the last night of the war — the infamous "Night of the Sicilian Vespers" — over 40 people were gunned down. (12)

With cartelization came the need for more long-lasting regulation — gangland style. In the early 1930s Murder, Incorporated was formed as a regulatory commission of sorts to police any overzealous "free enterprise" advocates who might try to buck the syndicate. A special assassination bureau was set up by Meyer Lansky and Benjamin "Bugs" Siegel. The "Bugs and Meyer Gang" had been distinguished by the fact that they owed allegiance to no one (except maybe Arnold Rothstein); they had originally been used to protect Bronfman liquor shipments across the border against "freelance" hijackers. (13)

By 1932 Torrio was strong enough to pull together another meeting of the syndicate, this time in Atlantic City, where a National Commission — the board of directors of organized crime — was officially formed. Aside from the leading Italian mafiosi who had survived the transition, Meyer Lansky, now regarded as the financial and enforcement wizard of the syndicate, and Atlantic City's Zwillman were in attendance as honored guests.

Thus, for the British, Prohibition was a roaring success. What had begun as a three-way contract between Britain (the supplier), Bronfman (the cutout), and Rothstein (the distributor) had become within the space of a decade a nationally organized crime syndicate — a private, secret army under British banking and political control.

The Rothstein-Hong Kong connection

To pick up the story of the modern-day Dope, Incorporated, let us return to Cleveland and John Torrio's first 1928 meeting of the syndicate. The third item on the agenda was what to do after Prohibition. The commodity, Torrio proposed, that would replace liquor as the black-market, big-profit taker was narcotics.

When Prohibition began in 1920 Arnold Rothstein had personally gone to Great Britain to establish the liquor pipeline with the British distilleries. Less known but more important is that at the same time he had dispatched his underling Jacob "Yasha" Katzenberg to Shanghai to begin negotiations for a dope pipeline from the Far East into the East Coast of the United States. (14) (The West Coast had been sewn up in the previous century with a pipeline from Shanghai straight into the Pacific Chinese coolie communities.)

It was projected that the same networks established to bootleg liquor could just as easily smuggle and retail narcotics. By 1926, U.S. narcotics agent-on-the-scene in the Far East, Ralph Oyler, wrote back to his boss Levi Nutt, chief of the U.S. Narcotics Division, that the opium market had expanded so tremendously that Britain was "even taking shipments of crude opium from the Near East to add to her gigantic supply of Asian opium" in order to meet market demand. The traditional opium families of Kes-wick, Sassoon, and Inchcape were preparing for the future. (15)

One year after Oyler's report, the 1927 Shanghai massacre put an end to all challenges to the rule of opium. The Shanghai uprising had been an attempt by the nationalist factions within the Kuomintang and Communist Party to destroy the opium dealers, such as the Soong family, who had seized control over the government and had carved up China into drug-running "war-lord" satrapies. The massacre was carried out by the Green Gang Syndicate, acting on orders and funding from the Extra-territorial International Settlements on Shanghai headed by Lord William Johnston Keswick. The British enclave harbored the Green Gang criminals at the time of the massacre, and the British-dominated Municipal Council (headed again by Lord Keswick) turned over trade union leaders and others to Green Gang criminals who executed them. (16) Had the Shanghai massacre occurred during the previous century, it would have been known as the Third Opium War; the consequence of the slaughter was yet another dramatic increase in British opium control over China.

The two principal Green Gang leaders involved in the massacre were Tu Yueh-sheng, "whose factories flooded the American market with narcotics" after the coup, and Huang Chin-jung, who was Arnold Rothstein's contact man. British-dominated post-1927 Shanghai was to become for the next 14 years the premier drug depot for the world.

This shift East in the production of the opium cycle has been documented by Jonathan Marshall in the Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars:

By the late 1920s, China was a net exporter of opium, and within a few years it replaced the Near East as the world's opium smuggling capital. By 1931, China produced seven-eighths of the world's narcotics. Chinese opium flooded the world markets through Hong Kong, Shanghai and Macao.
... By the mid-1980s, Chinese heroin dominated the American market.

As documented by Marshall, Lord Keswick and the other controllers of the opium trade imposed the Green Gang dope merchants in power in China, making the production and distribution of opium the backbone of the Chinese economy. The consequences were predictable: unparalleled genocide against the Chinese population.

In early July, 1932, T.V. Soong, who had resigned (as Finance Minister — ed.) the month before after failing to raise enough money for the communist suppression campaign, hinted that he would return to office if a new source of revenue — such as opium — could be found. He picked up the support of the influential H.G.W. Woodhead, who, probably reflecting the sentiment of the British business community (i.e., Keswick, the HongShang, and Standard and Chartered — ed.) argued that only such a monopoly could solve China's financial crisis. An opium monopoly was a small price to pay to protect the stability of China's business climate. . .. (Due to the forced cultivation of opium — ed.) millions of acres of land were taken out of food production. In food-short China, this reduced the margin of peasant survival . . . the most notorious case of famine brought on by over-cultivation of opium occurred in Shaanxl province between 1928 and 1933. It took as many as six million lives in four provinces, wiping out perhaps a third of the entire population of Shaanxl province. (17)

Let us now stand back and review — in light of this history — the jigsaw puzzle pieces that fall into place with Yasha Katzenberg's trip to Shanghai and the sealing of an opium pact.

First, Arnold Rothstein, Yasha Katzenberg's employer, was a product of the Rothschild "dry goods" empire that included the Seligman, Wannamaker, and Gimbel families. During Prohibition, according to the Bronfmans' own testimony, Rothstein, Meyer Lansky, and Lucky Luciano were the Bronfmans' main distributors. As Prohibition came to a close Bronfman associates traveled to Shanghai and Hong Kong to streamline and expand the drug trade into the United States, negotiating with the foremost Chinese drug-runners who were not only encouraged but pressured by the British "business community" to pull together an opium cartel.

The man dictating the opium policy to China in this period, the man who sired the T.V. Soong opium monopoly, was Sir William Johnston Keswick of Jardine Matheson and the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank. From the period of the Shanghai massacre to 1942 when he was interned by the Japanese, Keswick directed the international Settlements of Shanghai — the period of gross expansion of Shanghai heroin into the United States. The same Sie William Keswick was until very recently the director of the Hudson's Bay Company of Canada, the same company, it will be recalled, that collaborated with Sam and Abe in 1916 to found the Pure Drug Company for illegal distribution of whiskey into Canada.

Working for Hudson's Bay along with Keswick is Sir Eric Drake, who not only sits on the board of several Bronfman-run banks and companies, but is also an employee of the Inchcape family and presently the deputy chairman of the Inchcapes' Peninsular & Orient Steamship Company. The current chairman of the board is the son of the Lord Inchcape who in 1923 called for the expansion of "that most valuable source of revenue" — the opium rade.

Sie Eric Drake is also a member of the board of Canadian Pacific, which plays a most vital role in the transshipment of drugs through Canada into the United States, just as they did with alcohol during the Prohibition. Along with Lord Trevelyan, who heads up the HongShang's "gold-for-dope" exchange from his position at the British Bank of the Middle East, and Lord Inchcape, Sir Eric Drake sits on the board of British Petroleum, as does Sir William Johnston Keswick.

Sitting on the board of the Bank of Montreal along with Charles Bronfman and two Seagram directors are J. Bartlett Morgan, William Arbuckle, and F.S. Burbridge, who in turn sit on the boards of Hudson's Bay, Canadian Pacific, and a host of other banks and corporations in which the drug families of the HonkShang nexus play a policy-making role.

We are not charging "guilt by association" but rather making note of the fact that the series of "legitimate" enterprises the Bronfmans moved into toward the close of Prohibition are indistinguishable from and intermeshed with companies controlled by Keswick, Inchcape, and other leading opium traders. During the same period, these gentlemen openly supervised the drug trade into the United States. This association not only continues to this day but is the mainstay of the Bronfman empire.

Going legit ain't necessarily kosher

With the repeal of Prohibition and with the Shanghai opium deal in operation, the Bronfmans, like so many of their partners across the border, "went legit." Organized crime sunk its millions in legitimate businesses that both acted as cover for illegal activities and set up the laundry networks for dirty money. The new phase of respectability signaled that the most successful bigtime whiskey bootleggers were switching to bigtime narcotics.

In the early days, the Bronfmans had to run all the risks of the smuggler's profession. They had to dodge the law, stay one step ahead of the desperadoes on the other side of the border, and whenever things went wrong, face the humiliation of public exposure and scandal. As a result, the family acquired a considerable reputation.

Looking expectantly toward the fast increase in drug trade in America, the British could not afford to leave their leading cutout in such an exposed and precarious position. Nor could they simply dispose of the Bronfmans after Prohibition. The family had become irreplaceable due to its in-depth control over the syndicate. Yet, they would be a liability if they continued to work as openly with their distributors in narcotics trafficking as they did running Prohibition.

The problem was resolved by bringing the Bronfmans into the lower rungs of the Hofjuden caste. Almost overnight, the Rothschilds, Montefiores, de Hirsches, et al. took "Mr. Sam," the crime czar of North America, and transformed him into a rising star of the Canadian Zionist movement.

* In 1934, Mr. Sam was given his first "respectable post" as chairman of the National Jewish People's Relief Committee (Canada).
* By 1939 he had been appointed head of Baron de Hirsch's Jewish Colonization Association, the same Association that had brought Yechiel to Canada.
* In the same year, the Canadian Pacific Corporation invited Mr. Sam to establish a new refugee organization for Eastern European Jews.
* Within five years, the prince of crime was transformed by the good grace of His Majesty's oligarchists into a Zionist "philanthropist." One post followed after another. He became head of the Canadian Jewish Committee, replacing Lyon Cohen, the son of Lazarus Cohen, the founder of the Jewish Colonialization Association and the official agent of the de Hirsch family interests. After World War II, Mr. Sam established the National Conference of Israeli and Jewish Rehabilitation, using his considerable smuggling skills to run guns to the Haganah.

Similar posts were awarded to the other Bronfmans. Allan Bronfman was named president of the Zionist Organization of Canada, a member of the board of trustees of the Federation of Jewish Philanthropists and of the national council of the Canadian Jewish Congress. Abe Bronfman was posted to the Joint Distribution Committee and also to the national council of the Canadian Jewish Congress. Finally, in 1969 the Bronfmans were given the highest reward issued by Her Majesty. Sam was made a Knight of Grace of the Most Venerable Order of St. John of Jerusalem — Her Majesty's official chivalric order. His brother Allan and his son Charles were appointed to the highest rank, Knight of Justice of the Order. These appointments are emphatically not ceremonial, but are only bestowed on those who have carried out the most dangerous and fruitful missions for the British Crown.

The Bronfmans' time had truly come. Sam's children were welcomed into the Hofjuden elite by intermarriage. Minda married Baron Alain de Gunzberg, himself an extension of the Rothschild family tree. De Gunzberg sits on the board of Seagram, is managing director of the Banque Louis Dreyfuss, and controls the Seligman-Louis Hirsch investment house which has close Rothschild ties. Edgar Bronfman's first marriage was to Ann Loeb, bringing him instantly into a command position within the Wall Street house of Loeb, Rhoades, and Co. While taking over the Seagram main branch in New York, Edgar's marriage clinched the tie to Our Crowd that had begun during Prohibition. His second marriage, to Lady Caroline Townshend, as we have seen, was unsuccessful. Phyllis Bronfman married Jean Lambert of the Belgian banking and mining interests.

Yet, despite their mountains of wealth, despite their hard-won entry into the realms of good breeding, it would be a mistake to think the Bronfmans were a power in their own right. When it comes to the question of control, they are treated as if the money were not their own.

Take, for example, the case of "Trizec," the holding company through which the Bronfman brothers ostensibly run their various corporations, including Seagram. Since it was formed in 1960, the Bronfmans have never held a majority position within Trizec! Trizec is run by Eagle Star Ltd. of London, a holding company whose directors have been described by one author as "the most notable of the British aristocrats." (18) Evelyn de Rothschild, the earls and dukes who control Lloyds of London and other banking and insurance firms, and leading lights of British intelligence such as Sir Kenneth Strong and Sir Kenneth Keith all converge on the board of Eagle Star. (See Part II, Section 8.) This extraordinary company in turn owns English Property Corp. Ltd.

— whose principal individual shareholder Laurie Marsh has gained notoriety in Britain as the "Prince of Pornography"for his ownership of the majority of pornographic movie theaters, massage parlors, and "red light district" real estate in London.(19) English Property Corp. Ltd. owns majority holdings in Trizec.

Neither are the brains behind the Bronfman empire situated between the ears of members of the Bronfman family. The source lies elsewhere — in the family's law firm of Phillips, Bloomfield, Vineberg, and Goodman (now Phillips and Vineberg).

The personage of family arbiter and attorney Lazarus Phillips, in particular, was a constant sore to Mr. Sam. Born into the upper crust of the Zionist elite, Lazarus Phillips succeeded in gaining all the yeckus — publicly recognized respect — that Mr. Sam could never seem to win. Phillips was a holder of the Order of the British Empire, a senator in the Canadian Congress, a member of the board of directors of the Royal Bank of Canada, invited into the exclusive Mount Royal Club as a member, and was a power-broker for the Liberal Party.

But without Phillips the Bronfman family empire could not survive. It is likely that through him the Bronfmans received the input of cash that allowed them to proceed steadily from bootlegging to the legitimate bigtime. Certainly it was Phillips who unfroze enough funds under export control from the grip of the Bank of Canada to finance Seagram's wartime expansion into the United States. As the final judge in all family matters — legal and otherwise — Phillips has sat on the board of Seagram since 1940 and on every other company and philanthropic front nominally run by Mr. Sam. He is still the codirector of Trizec and the other major Bronfman holding company Edper (named after Edgar and Peter Bronfman). Phillips is also the expert who managed to get the Bronfmans off every legal hook they ever got caught on. (20)

Philip F. Vineberg is part of the Vineberg family of Abraham Moses Vineberg, chairman of the Moses Vineberg Investments firm and the de Hirsch Institute. Cochairman of all the Bronfman holding companies, Vineberg runs the Canadian Israeli Bond Drives and the Canadian Council of Christians and Jews. He is also a member of the Hofjuden elite's Montefiore Club.

Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield, also of the firm Phillips, Vineberg, and Bloomfield, is however, without a doubt the most colorful of the Bronfman brains-behind-the-scenes and this may explain why his name was left out of Peter Newman's 1978 book The Bronfman Dynasty (rumored to have been commissioned by the Bronfmans themselves). In addition to his position up to the late 1960s as a Bronfman family lawyer, Bloomfield remains a close banking associate. The Major's Zionist activities are numerous: he is involved in a nest of corporations including the Israeli Continental Company, he is chairman of the Canadian Histadrut Campaign, and a former president of the Israeli Maritime League. He also holds the post of Consul-General in Liberia, under whose flag vast quantities of opium and narcotics are shipped. He is a high-ranking member of the Most Venerable Order of St. John of Jerusalem and runs its subsidiary Canadian Red Cross Ambulance Corporation.

Major Bloomfield also runs Britain's International Assassination Bureau, an entity we will soon examine in detail.

Are they really clean?

The answer, of course, is no. Since the days they sent their "chickencock" across the border to their claim as the world's finest whiskey blenders, the Bronfmans' ties to North America's crime syndicate have never been broken but merely undergone corporate reorganization. In Section 3 on the Bronfman company of Permindex, we will analyze their criminal activities in length At this point a few examples will suffice.

Take the case of Bronfman family intimate Murray Koffler. A leader of the Jerusalem Foundation in Canada, Koffler was the subject of a major scandal in 1976 when his business associates, Starkman stores, were busted by Canadian police after its pharmacists were caught manufacturing illegal amphetamines and funneling them into the black market. (21)

Charles Bronfman's sister Phyllis Lambert was the subject of a simultaneous scandal for her involvement in Heritage Canada, a government funded "social service" program that got caught conduiting drugs onto Canadian college campuses. (22)

In 1975 the Bronfmans again made the front pages when Edgar Bronfman's eldest son, Samuel II, was reported kidnapped. The case revealed the kidnapper to be Sam II's homosexual lover. When the police found them, Sam's kidnappers pleaded that the Bronfman youth had blackmailed them into the hoax as a way of extorting money from his father. The jury agreed; the two abductors were declared innocent of kidnapping, but found guilty of the lesser charge of extortion. The press also aired the kidnappers' pleas that their lives were now in danger for having sung about Sam II.

Since he took over the reins of Seagram's New York branch in the 1950s, Sam II's father, Edgar, has built the Seagram distilleries network into a multinational global empire. The Bronfmans, for example, have entered into a most profitable business partnership with the Cuban rum Bacardi family. After Fidel Castro took over the island in 1959, the Bacardis switched their base of operations to Puerto Rico and Miami, taking along with them a small army of anti-Castro Cuban exiles. The Bacardis, headed by Manuel Cutilla Bacardi, have been pinpointed by law enforcement agencies as the funders and political controllers of entire networks of Cuban exiles. The "gusanos," as they are called, are not only involved in terrorism (Orlando Bosch's September 1976 bombing of a Cubana airlines plane killed over 70 people). Drug runners in the Bacardi-Cuban exile networks, Jose Medardo Alvero-Cruz and Antonio Cruz Vasquez, have been recently arrested for drug trafficking in the Caribbean and Mexico. (23) Seagram has also staked a conglomerate empire in Mexico. Bronfman's contact is former Mexican President Miguel Aleman, who owns and operates Acapulco. Today Aleman is demanding the revival of casino gambling in Mexico; in the 1930s nationalist President Lazaro Cardenas threw the casinos, and with them Meyer Lansky, out of the country.

In short, wherever Seagram branches appear on the map, they are thoroughly intermeshed with narcotics runners, gambling, and crime.

One the public record, the Bronfmans' gutter connections are most visible in the case of Mitchell Bronfman. The son of Knight of Justice Allan Bronfman, Mitchell is reportedly never without the automatic strapped to his shoulder and his stiletto strapped on his left calf. He is on record with the Montreal Police, the Quabec Provincial Justice Ministry, and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police as a kingpin of organized crime in Montreal. (24) A 1972 report by the Montreal Crime Commission names one Willie Obront as the head of the syndicate in the area and describes the relationship between Obront and Mitchell Bronfman as "almost a brotherly relationship." (25)

This relationship extends into illegal activities in which they have mutually or jointly indulged . . . the special kinds of favors they did for each other and the resulting advantages of each in the fields of loan sharking, gambling, illegal betting, securities, tax evasion and corruption. (26)

Everything was on a strictly "friendly basis," claims Mitchell.

Obront first came to the attention of the authorities after two of his Quebec nightclubs used as hangouts for Montreal's underworld were raided. It was revealed that Mitchell's friend was one of Montreal's top movers of dirty money from narcotics, prostitution, and loansharking.

Together with Willie, Mitchell Bronfman is a minority partner in the Pagoda North, a Miami restaurant that has been identified by U.S. and Canadian law enforcement agencies as the headquarters for a continentwide illegal bookmaking syndicate run by Vito Genovese.

Willie Obront was convicted in 1976 of "tax evasion" and put behind bars. Mitchell Bronfman narrowly averted the same fate.

Another one of Mitchell Bronfman's business partners is Sidney Rosen, who was also arrested and convicted in 1975 for looting 35 Canadian and American companies of $7 million through an asset-stripping clearinghouse called Value Trend Holding Company. Value Trend in turn laundered these stolen assets, along with other dirty revenues from illegal gambling, extortion and narcotics, through Corporate Bank and Trust Company of Freeport, Grand Bahamas and Flendon Ltd., of the same address. Both companies are jointly owned by Rosen and Mitchell Bronfman through another holding company called the "Milton Group." When Rosen went off to jail (again leaving Mitchell Bronfman scot free), the $7 million passed unscathed into offshore accounts in Barclays Bank in Freeport. (27)

But the two major corporations that Mitchell operates out of are the mysterious "Securex" and "Execaire Aviation." The former was disbanded in 1977 by Ouebec Provincial Justice Minister Delard. While the Official Secrets Act has kept the reasons behind this hidden, it can be stated with reasonable certainty that Mitchell Bronfman and the company were discovered to be up to their necks in the wave of FLQ (Front pour la Liberation du Quebec) terrorism that had plagued the province since 1970 — not to mention the narcotics trade.

The two directors of Securex at the time of its banning were Donald McCleary and Gilles Brunet, formerly RCMP sergeants in charge of the G-4 (Secret Service Division) of the Mounties. Both were fired from the Service in 1972 when it was discovered that they were close associates of Mitchell Bronfman. (28) McCleary and Brunet were in charge of the counterterror efforts in 1970 when the FLQ kidnapped a provincial official and a British government officer, an affair which led to the declaration of a state of emergency. The emergency period was used as a pretext to go after the French Canadian networks that had been built up by de Gaulle in conjunction with the Vatican to liberate Quebec from British colonial status.

In point of fact, the FLQ was itself funded by Bronfman family networks as an extension of earlier efforts to assassinate French President de Gaulle (the story will be told below). The Bronf-mans' FLQ option was the North American version of the British Special Air Service's control over both the Provisional Wing of the Irish Republican Army and the British Army's counterterror efforts.

Securex advertises itself as a security "consulting firm specializing in anti-terrorism, anti-kidnapping, and guerrilla warfare training." (29) All things considered, it would have to be regarded as both a semi-official covert branch of British intelligence in Canada and as a bridge to the criminal underworld.

Its affiliated Execaire Aviation emerges as yet another scarcely concealed front for crime. Execaire is the largest private charter airline service in Canada specializing in jet service for business executives . . . and narcotics. Is Mitchell Bronfman just the black sheep in the Bronfman family? It is unlikely. Cemp, the Bronfman family trust, signed a guarantee for part of Execaire's line of credit at the Bank of Montreal.

Nevertheless, the high publicity the Bronfmans have received over the years for such exploits as Mitchell's has prevented the family from receiving that degree of respectability they have always coveted. In the 1950s Mr. Sam looked across the fence at the status of his friend Senator Jacob Javits and decided that he would buy the ultimate title to confer respectability to his name: he sought to become a Senator of the Canadian Congress. All told, he spent $1.2 million in bribes. The Liberals took his money but wouldn't give him a seat. The Bronfman name was still too dirty to be permitted in the ranks of Canadian politics.

In this regard, the Kennedy family fared much better.

The Kennedys: Organized Crime in the Government

There are some facts in the mind of the American public that hint at the reality behind the "Kennedy look": Ted's Chappaquiddick disaster, Judith Exner Campbell's revelations that Chicago mobster Sam Giancana had given her to Jack, and the well-known stories of Papa Joe's bootlegging days. The suspicions are there but Americans aren't really sure what the Kennedys are; after all, if they're so dirty, how do they stay so clean? Dope, Incorporated supplies the answer. The Kennedys are clean because, beginning with Papa Joe, they were flea-dipped, scrubbed, and polished by the British to be the respectable front for organized crime. Whether or not a Kennedy crosses the British Crown in terms of policy — as Jack Kennedy did in 1963 — does not alter the fundamental content of the political machine that gives the Kennedy dynasty its power. The Kennedy machine is organized crime in government. If Ted Kennedy becomes President in 1980, whom will he owe debts to? The same people who pay for him now. At the top of the list of contributors to Kennedy's 1976 senatorial campaign released by the Federal Elections Commission is one Joseph Linsey. (1) A Massachusetts bootlegger who maintains connections to Meyer Lansky from the 1930s, Linsey sits on the board of International Airport Hotel Systems Inc., a Miami-based company whose board also includes Lansky. Hotel Systems is also connected to Resorts International, a firm we will soon hear more of. FBI wiretaps showed recently that Linsey also has dealings with Raymond Patriarcha, the titular godfather of New England narcotics trafficking. (2) Patriarcha is a partner of the Jacobs family (whom we will also encounter later) in several business ventures, including a multimillion dollar a year slot machine company in St. Louis. Although sentenced to jail for murder, Patriarcha was released over four years ago when doctors "discovered he was suffering from a case of terminal cancer" from which he presumably still suffers.

Among the business enterprises of Kennedy financier Joseph Linsey are two liquor distributing firms, Crown and Whitehall, and a dogracing track in Tauton, Massachusetts. Whitehall's chief "salesman" Mike Rocco was described by the McClellan Committee hearings on organized crime, in which both John and Robert Kennedy participated, as a "collection man for the mob." (3) Linsey's chief political lobbyist, Hirsch Freed, is a senior partner in the law firm of Brown, Rudnick, Freed, Gesmar and sits on the board of the Combined Jewish Philanthropies of Boston. Freed and all of his law partners are generous donors to the Kennedy campaign fund. (4)

It is the character of Kennedy's friends rather than his own low personal standard of morality that explains why as a leader of the powerful Senate Judiciary Committee he has come forward as the leading sponsor of federal legalization of marijuana and why he has given his approval to decriminalization of heroin "for experimental purposes." The job of the Kennedy dynasty is to usher in British dope and the criminals who distribute it — through the front door.

The rise to power

Papa Joe Kennedy did not have to struggle like the Bronfmans did to make their name and money in the world of crime — he was born into it. Joe's father P. J. Kennedy was one of the shanty-town mobsters of late 19th century Boston. P.J. began his rise to fortune as a tavern keeper who bought his way into the corrupt Democratic Party machine (a machine that, like the Jacob Astor-Aaron Burr power system in New York, had its roots in opium trafficking). Once he had obtained a seat on the ward's Democratic Committee at the age of 26, P. J. gave up his tavern and went into the more lucrative wholesale liquor business. Two years later in 1886 he began the first of five consecutive terms in the Massachusetts State Legislature. By 1896, he was part of the triumvirate of Kennedy-Donovan-Corbett, known as the Board of Strategy, which controlled the Democratic organization in Boston. But it was common knowledge that the secret to P. J. Kennedy's political success was his control of the local crime ring, the "McGuire Gang." (5)

Joe Kennedy's mother sadly recognized that with her husband, her social pretensions could never be realized for herself. Kennedy's public image was so filthy that he could not even Qualify for entry into the "High Irish" social circles of Boston, let along the Brahmin elite centered around the opium smuggling Perkins family. She set her hopes on her children. It was Joe Kennedy's marriage into the Fitzgerald family (over the vehement protests of his father-in-law, Boston's High Irish Mayor "Honey" Fitzgerald) that launched the Kennedy family into high society.

Nevertheless, when Joe Kennedy went to Harvard he was snubbed and ridiculed by his Brahmin classmates, who never missed a chance to remind him of his family's seedy history. Joseph bitterly referred time and again to his rejection by the exclusive "final clubs," Harvard's most desired status symbol. (6)

After World War I, Kennedy was employed by Galen Stone, a partner in the prestigious Hayden, Stone and Co., a Boston Hat street investment house with ties to the Rothschilds. While there, he made his first contacts with the British aristocracy. Kennedy got wind that one of Hayden, Stone's clients, the British company of Robertson-Cole Pictures, was in the throes of a credit squeeze. The ambitious Irishman went to London to seek the purchase of the company's U.S. distribution affiliate, the Film Booking Company. He was turned down flat. Within a month, however, Lord Inverforth arrived in Boston to take Kennedy up on the offer. Through a subsequent merger With Ideal Films Ltd. Kennedy founded what was described at the time as the "first genuinely reciprocal exchange of production and distribution facilities between British and American companies." (7) Kennedy's joint ventures with the British soon produced RKO studios, ushering in British financial and cultural domination of Hollywood.

Kennedy's film ventures were also noteworthy for another reason. Lord Inverforth later showed up during World War II working closely with British Secret Intelligence Services chief William Stephenson ("Intrepid"). (8) The Robertson-Cole deal was Kennedy's first contact with Britain's aristocratic high command.

In 1929, Kennedy joined with Blair and Co., a firm operated by Elisha Walker, later of Kuhn, Loeb, and Jacques Monnet, to bid for control of A. P. Giannini's Transamerican Co., the controlling company for the Bank of America. The attempt failed, but Kennedy gained another invaluable contact. Jacques Monnet had come to North America to represent his family's liquor business, Monnet et Cie., in dealings with the Hudson's Bay Company. In the period that Kennedy was working with Blair and Co., Monnet was traveling to Shanghai on a financial mission for the League of Nations. Since the delegation came on the invitation of notorious opium dealer T.V. Soong, and given Monnet's associations with the Hudson's Bay, it is likely that more was on the agenda than the financing of Chinese railroads.

Papa Joe also had business liaisons with the seamier side of the illegal distribution market. During his own bootlegging days in Prohibition, Kennedy entered into a coalition with Newark's Reinfeld Syndicate, which it will be recalled was 50 percent owned by the Bronfman gang. Joe retained his business dealings with the syndicate thugs all the way until 1946. At that time, in preparation for the launching of his sons' political careers, Joe sold his liquor company, Somerset Importers Ltd., for $8 million to the "Renfield Importers" — a revised version of the Reinfeld Syndicate. (9)

As the end of Prohibition approached, Kennedy again turned to London where Winston Churchill personally approved the grant to Joe of the British distillers' franchise for the American market. Through Kennedy's Somerset Importers Ltd. and Renfield Importers, Kennedy marketed Dewar's scotch, Gordon's gin, Ron Rico rum, and Haig and Haig. (10)

But as Papa Joe made clear early in the game, he was not in it for the money. His goal was to build a political dynasty, and his wife produced nine children in succession to get it going. Churchill's nod of approval and the cash flow accompanying it signalled that the British were ready to take advantage of Joe Kennedy's political ambitions.

Kennedy acknowledged the deal by placing his accumulated fortune in the hands of one of the inner circle of London finance: Lazard Brothers Ltd. Andre Meyer, head of the U.S. branch of that house, became the manager of the Kennedy Estates. Lazard Brothers Ltd. is owned by Viscount Cowdray (Weetman John Churchill Pearson), cousin of Winston Churchill.

In 1933, Kennedy was appointed by President Franklin Roosevelt to head the new Securities Exchange Commission. Kennedy's earlier association with the London banking circles had put him in the inside track to conduct a flurry of stock speculation on the eve of the 1929 stock market crash and walk away from it all with a pocket full of cash. When the SEC was created to regulate the market, Roosevelt returned Kennedy's 1932 favor of swinging the Boston Democratic machine behind the FDR candidacy at the 1932 nominating convention.

In 1936, FDR appointed Kennedy U.S. ambassador to Great Britain, a post Kennedy wanted more than life itself. As Joe's official biographer explained, "The old American aristocracy, with its Anglophilic leanings—the aristocrats that had rejected Kennedy at Harvard—regarded the post as the nation's highest social office." (11) Kennedy had at last succeeded in giving the Boston Brahmins a kick in the teeth. Once in London, the Royal Family further obliged the funny Irishman by posing with his family in full regalia for the newspapers.

Kennedy quickly attached himself to the most pro-Nazi British aristocrats centered around Lady Astor's Cliveden Set where Round Table figures such as Lazard Brothers' Lord Robert Brand, the Marquess of Lothian, Fabian George Bernard Shaw, and the opium-trading Sassoon family congregated to dictate Britain's appeasement policy for the British Foreign Office.

Kennedy's antics in Britain soon got back to President Roosevelt who, by the outbreak of World War II, had developed a fairly accurate view of Britain's imperial designs. Kennedy's notoriety as a Nazi supporter — like his father's earlier underworld career — could not be covered over by even the most sympathetic biographer. Thus, David E. Koskoff in his commissioned biography of Joe Kennedy reported the following:

Kennedy had become intensely Anglophilic: "Indeed there are unfortunate signs that Kennedy is going by way of Page." They reported that he was one of the prime exhibits of Cliveden . . . that he was a partisan of England and should be watched carefully. . . . .

From the beginning of the Ambassador's career to the end, the spectre of Walter Hines Page haunted Joseph Kennedy. From his position as Ambassador to England, Anglophile Page had literally conspired with the British to bring America into World War I. . . . Kennedy always resented the fact that his name was always linked with Page. . . . Even Roosevelt said before the outbreak of war, "He's more British than Walter Hines Page." (12)

Kennedy's unswerving loyalty to the British monarchy was rewarded; his daughter, Kathleen Kennedy, the sister of John, Robert, and Edward, married William Cavendish, the Marquess of Hartington. Hartington was the son and heir to the 10th Duke of Devonshire and his wife, Lady Mary Alice Cecil (daughter of the 4th Marquess of Salisbury), the Dutchess of Devonshire.

In the hierarchy of the British nobility, the dukes are the highest rank of royalty, taking second place only to the monarchy itself. The Duke of Devonshire is at the center of the interlocking families of the Cecils, Salisburys, and Macmillans who have run British politics since the Glorious Revolution.

Joseph Kennedy repeated the theme many times: "If Kathleen and her husband were living, I'd be the father of the Duchess of Devonshire (first Lady-in-Waiting to the Queen) and the father-in-law of the head of all the Masons in the world." (13) Later, his son John would marry Jacqueline Bouvier, whose sister Lee Radziwill married Prince Stanislaus Radziwill, a member of the Polish nobility who traces his titles back over 500 years. The Radziwill family, which resides in England, established the Order of St. John of Jerusalem in Poland in 1610 and was instrumental in transplanting the Order into the United States in the early 20th century. While serving as ambassador in Britain, Joseph Kennedy was made an initiate in His Majesty's Most Venrable Order of St. John of Jerusalem. Despite Joseph Kennedy's eventual unceremonious recall from the Court of St. James at the beginning of World War II, the elder Kennedy had succeeded brilliantly in restoring his tarnished reputation. During his sojourn in Britain, he turned over his sons to the British Round Table for a "proper" education. Joseph Kennedy, Jr. and John F. Kennedy were trained at the London School of Economics, an institution founded by the Fabian Society dedicated to training and recruiting foreign cadre as future British agents within government, business, media, and educational posts in their respective countries. The Kennedy brothers were trained by Fabian Society Executive member Harold Laski. At Harvard, on the Kennedys' return to the United States, further tutoring for son John was secured from Sir John Wheeler-Bennett, the founder and head of the research division of the Royal Institute of International Affairs. Wheeler-Bennett denies that he was the writer of Kennedy's Harvard master's thesis, later published in book form as Why England Slept — an apologia for the Cliveden Set's and his father's sympathies for Hitler. (14) There is little doubt that Wheeler-Bennett was aware that he had been entrusted with the training of Britain's future political kingpins in the United States. As he recalls:

I was invited one evening to dine informally at the American embassy. We were a small party, not more than ten, as I recall, and the three eldest Kennedy sons sat in a row on the far side of the table to myself. . . . "I'll tell you about these boys," said the Ambassador to me in his rasping nasal voice, as if they weren't there at all. "There's young Joe, he's going to be President of the United States. And there's Jack, he's going to be a university president; and there's Bobby (tapping his nose in a cunning manner), he's the lawyer." (15)

Why the British killed Kennedy

When John F. Kennedy became President of the United States in 1960, it is reported that Andre Meyer of Lazard Brothers Ltd. went around Europe introducing himself as "the real President." Whether the story is true or not, it is the case that the Court of St. James had at least temporarily seized control of the Oval Office. So had organized crime. The Kennedy machine moved into the Justice Department, specifically Robert Kennedy's Organized Crime Strike Force. The Organized Crime Drive, as it was called. was a highly irregular unit, even according to its nominal chief, Ed Silberling. The section was in fact run by non-lawyer Walter Sheridan, a former FBI man who had worked as Chief of the Counterintelligence Section, Special Operations Division, Office of Security, and the National Security Agency. It was Sheridan who had the ear of Robert Kennedy, often as much as three times a day. (16)

According to Victor Navasky's Kennedy Justice, the Sheridan crew "had free access to the files of the McClellan Committee. It was in touch with grand juries throughout the country. It had an undercover air of mystery about it. Its modus operandi was cloak and dagger. . . Its relations with the FBI were highly irregular in that it received little or no cooperation from the top, yet Sheridan, an ex-FBI man, had a degree of line cooperation in the field that was, in some respects, unparalleled. He actually coordinated FBI agents with his own men — told them where to go when, and they went.

"Unlike every other unit of the Justice Department, which is organized around subject areas of responsibility," reports Navasky, "the Sheridan unit's raison d'etre seemed to be not a subject area but a target: Jimmy Hoffa." (17)

If Kennedy himself was obsessed with getting Hoffa, the machine behind him found the campaign a convenient ruse for three reasons. First, it badly damaged the biggest and strongest trade union in the country, which had consistently used its power to press for industrial growth. Second, the publicity it engendered was a good diversion. And third, it was a good cover for going after local Mafiosi who might object to a tightened drug syndicate and the rise of the new black mafia to service the cities.

The fanfare around the Valachi revelations served the same purpose.

A look at the ensuing careers of the Kennedy crimefighters underlines the point.

*Henry Peterson of the Organized Crime and Racketeering Div i s i o n joined Max Jacobs's Emprise Corporation, a money-laundering outfit examined in Section 4.
*His boss William Hundley and Robert Peloquin of the Criminal Division left Justice, formed their own law firm, and
now sit on the board of International Intelligence (Intertel), Meyer Lansky's crime clearinghouse (see Section 3).
*Stanley Mills, head of the Kennedy Anti-Trust Division, became general counsel for Max Jacobs's Sportsystems. *William O. Bittman, prosecutor for the Justice Department against Hoffa, joined the board of Sportsystems. *Daniel Holloman and Thomas Kennedy of the Organized Crime Division joined the same board. *Horace Webb of the department's Public Informational Services Division is the public relations man for Sportsystems. *Thomas J. Mekeon, member of the Organized Crime Strike Force in Detroit, is assistant general counsel and vice-president of Intertel. While Sheridan's "Terrible Twenty" burned the small fry, Meyer Lansky and Max Jacobs went untouched. Lansky's biographer, Hank Messick, could even report that "Lansky could deplore the loss of Newport and Hot Springs, but the attack on La Cosa Nostra caused him no loss of sleep. Instead, from 1960 to 1965, he succeeded in keeping his name completely out of the newspapers. That five-year period was for Lansky one of the most active, and profitable, eras he had known." (18)


Meanwhile, in the White House John Kennedy was being advised by the higher echelons of the same network that had invaded the Justice Department. Almost simultaneously with Kennedy's inauguration, Harold Macmillan moved into 10 Downing Street. Macmillan was himself part of the extended Devonshire family into which Kennedy's sister Kathleen had married. His Canada-based pulp and paper company, MacMillan Bloedel, as noted, was a component of the British Columbia drug-smuggling apparat. (19)

Macmillan's newly appointed ambassador to the United States, David Ormsby-Gore (later Lord Harlech), was also a distant inlaw of the President through the Cecil family. Ormsby-Gore had been a close friend of JFK's since their days together at the London School of Economics. The British ambassador had daily access to the President. He was the fourth member of Kennedy's inner policy-making core, "ExComm," along with Robert Kennedy and the Anglophile National Security advisor McGeorge Bundy (also a Harvard protege of the Round Table's William Yandell Elliott). During the Cuban Missile Crisis, documents show that Ormsby-Gore and Macmillan made most of the minute-to-minute decisions at the point that the United States was on the brink of nuclear war.

Best estimates have it that up through the winter of 1962-63, British directives to the White House, transmitted through Ormsby-Gore, were carried out with only minor points of difference. That special relationship began to show signs of deterioration during early 1963. Policy differences between the Kennedy and the Macmillan governments began to surface, as the U.S. President took a series of initiatives toward detente with the Soviet Union and Cuba. (20)

The diaries of Macmillan testify that Kennedy had to be intensely armtwisted at the famous Nassau summit in spring 1963 before he would agree to turn over the Polaris missile program to the British. (21) That move precipitated French President Charles de Gaulle's vehement denunciation of the Anglo-American violation of the Atlantic Charter, followed by France's withdrawal from NATO.

A combination of factors was operating on Kennedy. Foremost among them was Papa Joe. Individuals, interviewed by the authors, who knew Joe Kennedy intimately during the 1920s report that he cherished a deep hatred for the British and the Anglophile society of Boston that had humiliated him; however, the same individuals report, Kennedy had made a decision that if he was going to make it, he would have to prove his usefulness to the British. With John Kennedy's accession to the Presidency, Joe Kennedy's dream of using the British to build a sufficient power base for himself was a reality. No astute political observer during the 1960s could ignore the possibility of a "Kennedy dynasty" installed in the White House for several uninterrupted decades.

During the spring and summer months of 1963, JFK began reversing previous policies. Plans were being prepared to devolve U.S. presence in Southeast Asia. Detente discussions were opened up with the Soviet Union; in the weeks prior to his assassination, Kennedy even sent a secret emissary to Havana to open up talks with Fidel Castro. The Kennedys were showing signs of bucking the machine that had put them in power. The Britis h had him killed. To use the language of a Grade-B movie, "Kennedy tried to double-cross the syndicate and he got iced." It is reported by Kennedy biographer Koskoff that upon JFK's death, Lord Beaverbrook (whom we shall encounter in regard to the International Assassination Bureau) sent a scarcely veiled warning to Joe Kennedy:

Perhaps he (Joe Kennedy—ed.) was a little comforted by the kind note that his dear friend Lord Beaverbrook sent to
Rose: "May Joe find solace. . . in the assurance that Bobby will repeat Jack's career." (22)

When Robert Kennedy refused to back off from the track of his brother's assassins and began to prepare his own campaign for

300 DOPE, INC.
the Presidency, he too was assassinated on British orders.

Playing by the rules of the game is Ted Kennedy's insurance policy. That's what makes him the foremost proponent of dope decriminalization; that's what makes him today's frontrunner for organized crime; that's what makes him the collaborator of the assassins of his brothers.

Britain's Assassination Bureau: Permindex

Following the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in Dallas on November 22, 1963, New Orleans District Attorney James Garrison launched an investigation that led him to the doorsteps of an obscure Montreal-based corporation called Permindex, headed by the Bronfman family's attorney, Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield. One of the directors of Bloomfield's ostensibly small international trading company, Col. Clay Shaw of New Orleans, was Garrison's chief suspect in the Kennedy murder. Shaw ran the World Trade Mart in New Orleans, a subsidiary of Permindex that was described by a former Shaw associate (1) as a front for Mafia drug-running and organized crime activity centered in the Caribbean. Shaw was the financial backer and controller of Lee Harvey Oswald during his lengthy stays in New Orleans, Garrison had established, and the District Attorney also had evidence that Shaw had been the safehouse channel out of the country (into Italy) for several unidentified persons believed to have been the real "triggers" in the Kennedy assassination. (2)

James Earl Ray, the "patsy" in the 1968 assassination of Martin Luther King in Memphis, was also a frequent visitor to Shaw's New Orleans' World Trade Mart during the month before King's murder. Ray escaped via Canada to London where he was traced and captured a month after King died. (3)

After more than a half dozen mysterious deaths of key witnesses against Permindex and a national smear campaign against Garrison run by Kennedy Justice Department troubleshooter Walter Sheridan, the New Orleans investigation into Permindex was terminated, and the entire affair quickly faded into obscurity.

After an estimated 30 to 40 aborted assassination attempts against French President General Charles de Gaulle during the 1960s, the French intelligence bureau, SDECE, exposed the same Permindex as the financier and controller of the OAS (Secret Army Organization) death squads. (4) SDECE gathered reams of evidence showing that Permindex had been the recipient of funds laundered into Geneva and Basel through Zionist "charitable organizations" and Israeli intelligence fronts such as the Bank Hapoalim of Histadrut, the Israeli trade union movement and Socialist International affiliate. These funds had been channeled into the OAS as well as into the neo-Nazi terrorist groups in West Germany and Italy.

De Gaulle issued vociferous personal protests to the Swiss and Italian governments. As a result, Permindex was forced to shut down its offices in those countries and move to a more friendly location, Johannesburg, South Africa. (5) The Paris-based Western European branch headquarters of Israel's foreign intelligence service, the Mossad, was kicked out of France and reestablished its operations in Belgium and the Netherlands.

In 1970, the prestigious Italian newsweekly Panorama published an account of the mysterious death of Italian Oil Minister Enrico Mattei in an October 1962 plane crash on his was to a historic economic summit in Africa. (6) Mattel's plane was sabotaged during a contrived unscheduled stopover at an obscure airport in Sicily. Forty-eight hours before the crash, New Orleans mobster and Permindex associate Carlos Marcello had been identified by local police in Sicily as the mysterious American who showed up at the airport while a four-man team was tampering with Mattel's plane. Marcello owned a private fleet of chartered jets called the United Air Taxi Service, which shared its staff of pilots and mechanics with Permindex. One such "shared employee," David Ferrie, was also a pilot for Marcello and Clay Shaw. Ferrie was found murdered days after he was subpoenaed to testify before Garrison's grand jury on the Kennedy killing. (7) Within months of the April 1978 kidnapping and murder of former Italian President Aldo Moro, the Italian Carabinieri were in hot pursuit of evidence firmly implicating Italian Jewish banker George Mantello (aka George Mandel) in the affair. (8) It was believed that Mantello's Rome villa had been the first safehouse where Moro was brought after his abduction by the Red Brigades. Weapons found in a Carabinieri raid of Mantello's villa turned out to match the weapon used to kill Moro as well as that used in the 1977 Baader-Meinhof gang kidnapping-murder of West German industrialist Hanns-Martin Schleyer. An agent of the Black Guelph House of Savoy (the pretenders to the throne of Italy), Mantello is a board member of a Permindex subsidiary, Centro Mondiale Commerciale (CMC). Mantello's Swiss holding company, Capocetto, was exposed by de Gaulle's SDECE as a conduit for Histadrut funds into Permindex. (9)

Who runs Permindex?

Sixteen years have passed since Permindex conducted its first known assassination deployment. Despite all the accumulated evidence, none of the principals has been brought to justice; Permindex today is one of the best kept secrets in the world. What is Permindex? Who are the powerful forces protecting his nest of assassins from prosecution for crimes of high treason against no fewer than three sovereign states? As we shall soon learn, Permindex is a top-secret branch of one of the most sophisticated and well-financed intelligence agencies in the world and a convergence point for every filthy network that we have met so far — from the British Far East banking and shipping magnates who run the dope trade at the top to the gutters where Mafiosi, neo-Nazis, and the Order of Zion function as retailers for Dope, Incorporated.

The starting point to unravel the story behind this International Assassination Bureau is the office of the chairman of its board. The founder, president, and majority (50 percent) shareholder in Permindex since its incorporation in Montreal in 1958-59 is Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield.

Bloomfield is a man of many hats. He was a founding partner of the prestigious Hofjuden law firm of Phillips, Vineberg, Bloomfield and Goodman, the firm that represents and controls the Bronfman family holdings. Bloomfield's name was formally removed from the firm's letterhead in 1968 after the de Gaulle exposures of his Permindex assassination bureau threatened to create an embarrassment. Such cosmetic gestures, however, have little significance in the murky world of Canadian politics where the most prestigious names all appear on the board of directors of Dope, Incorporated.

Among his business holdings, Major Bloomfield controls the Israeli Continental Corporation, the Canadian subsidiary of the Dutch Heinekens Breweries, and Credit Suisse of Canada, a correspondent bank to the Credit Suisse of Geneva that was among the holding agencies exposed by SDECE for laundering "hit money" to the OAS. (10) All these corporations are listed among the investors in Permindex.

Like his law partner, Lazarus Phillips, and his clients, the Bronfmans, Major L. M. Bloomfield is an outstanding Zionist philanthropist. Among his numerous honorary positions, Bloomfield is the annual chairman of the Histadrut Campaign of Canada, which collects "charitable contributions" and passes them on to the Israeli labor movement. Curiously, these funds have been discovered on several occasions to have found their way back to Permindex after recycling through the Histadrut's Bank Hapoalim. (11)

Bloomfield's charitable activities extend into his chairmanship of the Canadian Red Cross ambulance service, a position traditionally held by a top-ranking Knight in the Queen's official chivalric order, the Most Venerable Order of St. John of Jerusalem. As an operating arm of the Sovereign Order, the Red Cross ambulance service has been a frequently called upon front for terrorism. (12)

Bloomfield's business interests extend into the field of transoceanic shipping. A former head of the Israeli Maritime League of Canada, Bloomfield has been the Consul-General in charge of the Western Hemisphere of the Liberian government since World War II. Liberia is notorious as both a tax shelter and smugglers' port-of-call. With no shipping regulations to speak of, Liberia is the flag of convenience under which the majority of ships bearing bulk shipments of Far East narcotics are registered, and also serves as one of the secondary ($7 billion in average daily transfers) offshore banking centers through which British drug revenues are laundered.

The only other foreign-stationed Consul-General for Liberia is Bloomfield-Permindex associate and Israeli Mossad official (ret.) Tibor Rosenbaum, whom we shall meet shortly.

Beneath his various hats as banker, philanthropist, prominent attorney, and Permindex director, Bloomfield is first and foremost an agent of the most secretive branch of Her Majesty's Intelligence service, the Special Operations Executive (SOE). Bloomfield was recruited to the SOE by its director, Sir William Stephenson, in 1938. (13) Stephenson, a Canadian-born protege of Round Table founder Lord Beaverbrook, appointed Bloomfield as the recruitment officer and "agent handler" for the newly created counterespionage and espionage branch of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI), known as Division Five. (14)

Agents of Division Five, in turn, have been among the points of the New Orleans grand jury investigation into the Kennedy assassination. Guy Bannister, the head of the southeast regional office of Division Five (located in New Orleans) at the time of the Kennedy murder, died under mysterious circumstances shortly after the events in Dallas. (15) Bannister was the owner of a New Orleans office building that housed a number of Division Five fronts and groups under close D-5 surveillance. These included the left-radical Fair Play for Cuba Committee and the violently anti-Castro Free Cuba Committee. Lee Harvey Oswald was alternatively a member of both these groups during various stages of his "laundering." (16) According to one source, in 1962 Bannister was also the personal conduit of at least one $100,000 payoff to the OAS for an assassination attempt against de Gaulle. One of his agents flew directly from New Orleans to Paris to deliver the funds. In 1966, that courier, who operated a Permindex front, the Caribbean Anti-Communist League, died when he was thrown out of a sixth floor window in a San Juan Puerto Rico, hotel. (17)

How did Louis M. Bloomfield, a Canadian citizen, manage to assume a highly secretive top post within the Hoover FBI? And what's more, how did he manage to retain that post for over 30 years — even after his name had been raised in conjunction with assassinations against officials of three governments? Stephenson, using the "special relationship" that British Prime Minister Winston Churchill had cultivated with Franklin Roosevelt, arranged Bloomfield's commission as an officer in the U.S. Army (hence the rank of major) assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, the wartime predecessor of the Central Intelligence Agency. Bloomfield was only one of many Canadians brought into the U.S. military under Stephenson's auspices. (18) Stephenson was creating an SOE in-depth penetration into the American services that could run clandestine operations under an American cover. This became a particularly important feature of SOE postwar activities in locations like Italy where Churchill's open role in installing Mussolini in power had engendered a profound hatred of the British.

Unfortunately, very little of the publicly accessible information about the SOE is reliable. It is known that the SOE was created at the personal initiative of Sir Winston Churchill as an expansion of Section D (for "Destruction") of the British Secret Intelligence Service, the branch responsible for "aggressive espionage and sabotage" against enemies of the British Empire. (19) Evidently, after World War II, the United States, in Churchill's eyes, fit the definition of "enemy."

As the top secret action branch of British intelligence, the SOE operated through "cutouts," especially commercial and phil-anthropic fronts. Stephenson set up SOE headquarters in New York City's Rockefeller Center under the name of an importing-exporting company and established its communications and clandestine center at a resort complex at Montego Bay, Jamaica. (20) Under Major Bloomfield, Division Five's spies operated as a Christian missionary group, sending its devotees to every corner of the United States and Latin America. (21)

It should be noted that all the SOE's activities were conducted under the protective umbrella of Her Majesty's Official Secrets Act. Any British Commonwealth citizen releasing information about the SOE without the advance permission of the monarchy is liable to prosecution on charges of high treason, punishable by execution. No wonder that the reliable sources of information on the SOE are French, Italian, and West German intelligence agencies.

A relevant feature of the wartime Stephenson-Bloomfield team was its use of Mafiosi as "intelligence agents" for the U.S. OSS and FBI Division Five. Charles "Lucky" Luciano is the best-known case of a convicted drug-runner, pimp, and suspected murderer who was "rehabilitated" under OSS-SOE sponsorship. (22) Luciano was dispatched to Sicily to reconstitute old networks that had been dispersed or expatriated during the Mussolini period. Our point here is not to provide a biography of Luciano, but to show that Permindex's Major Bloomfield came into active collusion with Meyer Lansky's narcotics syndicate by no later than the close of World War II—when he was more openly under the official auspices of the British monarchy. According to a four-part series of articles published in October 1978 in the Soviet youth magazine Ogonyok by Julian Semyonov, the Bloomfield-Luciano collaboration was still operational in 1962 when Luciano was the case officer on the scene in Sicily for the

Mattei assassination. The decision to go with a plane crash was made by Luciano only after the options of hiring an OAS team or an American "leftist" controlled by a Texas oil company (invested in Permindex) were determined to be too politically explosive. (23)

Based on this profile of the many-sided Major Bloomfield, the first pieces of the Permindex puzzle fall into place. Far from being a small international trading company, Permindex is revealed to be a subsidiary branch of the most powerful, well-financed, and well-protected intelligence agency in the world — a subsidiary branch responsible for carrying out the most important political assassinations of the century. The next step in completing the Permindex puzzle is untangling the complex web of holding companies, dummy corporations, and offshore sealed bank accounts through which the Permindex Assassination Bureau works.

The Bloomfield, Lansky, Rosenbaum circuit

Sufficient evidence has surfaced in the public record to show that Permindex is the courier channel through which the retail revenues of Dope, Incorporated are shuttled from the regional syndicates into designated secret bank accounts in Geneva, Basel, Liechtenstein, and the Caribbean.

Even in its official records, Permindex cites among its investors the regional crime czars of North America and the Caribbean, the lieutenants of Meyer Lansky. (24) From 1928, when he inherited the bootleg booze and narcotics trade from the deceased Arnold Rothstein, Lansky has been the undisputed "chairman of the board" of organized crime and the pusher behind the move into bigtime narcotics, offshore banking, and the Caribbean casino circuit. Lansky's biographer, Hank Messick, estimates that Lansky's personal fortune exceeds $300,000,000. Messick describes the weekly ritual in which the regional syndicate couriers converge on the Singapore Hotel in Miami to deliver 60 percent of their take to the "financial wizard." From there money travels the route of Dope, Incorporated. Reports Messick:

The scope of Lansky's interests is illustrated by a trip his international courier, John Pullman, made in 1965. His first stop was Bogota, Colombia. The Eden Roc in Miami was his next destination. In February he went to the Sands Hotel in Las Vegas, where Lansky's old bootlegging chum from Boston, Hy Abrams, was boss. In March he was conferring in Los Angeles with Mike Singer, an ex-Teamster official who had helped put together the Bank of World Commerce (a part of the Permindex infrastructure of offshore banks — ed.) with Alvin Malnik. Later in March he was in Honolulu, where the syndicate was attempting to get control of Ewa Plantation and hoped, eventually to legalize gambling. In April he was at the Peninsular Hotel in Hong Kong, where the syndicate had casinos and obtained much of its narcotics. Lebanon and its casinos were visited next. By June, Pullman was back in Switzerland where he conferred with Lansky in person. Together they visited the French Riviera to study plans for the ultimate takeover of the casinos there. (25)

The money is placed in initial deposits in any one of a number of Geneva, Basel, Liechtenstein, or Caribbean banks affiliated with Major Bloomfield's little "trading company." Several of these banks, like the Astaldo Vaduz of Miami, De Famaco Vaduz of Liechtenstein, and De Famaco Astaldo Vaduz of Geneva, are post office box fronts. These three, for example, are all listed as wholly owned subsidiaries of Permindex. As noted above, Credit Suisse, one of the more formidable laundering holes, maintains a Canadian subsidiary, also run by Major Bloomfield. (26) The Bank of World Commerce Ltd. of Nassau, Grand Bahamas, was a personal creation of Lansky's. The largest and most important banking entity in the Permindex-Lansky family was the Banque de Credit Internationale (BCI) of Basel, which was bankrupted in 1974 as part of a London upset of world financial markets. (27)

BCI was itself almost indistinguishable from the infamous Investors Overseas Services (IOS), an international "mutual fund" which garnered an excess of $2 billion in investment capital on behalf of "unnamed subscribers." (28) According to Messick, there are strong indications that the majority of those unnamed subscribers were named Meyer Lansky. IOS gained international notoriety for its army of salesmen who crisscrossed the globe carrying satchels of cash earmarked for sealed bank accounts in every unregulated banking port in Western Europe, Latin America, the Caribbean, and the Middle and Far East.

Any sleuth attempting to trace out the originating source for the IOS funds would do well to dig out the October 8,1967, issue of Life magazine, which detailed the following interesting triangular business relationship. (29) Sylvain Ferdman, an officer of BCI, was the business agent for the Investors Overseas Service. U.S. law enforcement officials in turn identified Ferdman as the chief bagman for the Lansky syndicate. Ferdman, a Swiss citizen, and John Pullman, an American who transferred his citizenship to Canada after a 1950s federal conviction, carried money from the Caribbean to Lansky, and then on to the BCI and Bloomfield's Credit Suisse. Pullman, in addition to his global travels, was the president and director of the Bank of World Commerce Ltd. of Nassau.

So far the picture is very neat. BCI-IOS was the Swiss side of a triangle composed of a dirty money professional hit bureau, and Meyer Lansky's retail drug business in North America and the Caribbean. Major Bloomfield's trading company in Montreal, with branch offices in Geneva and Rome (through its subsidiary Centro Mondiale Commerciale), ran the protection side of the courier operation and was on the receiving end of those funds earmarked for terrorism and political assassinations. (An assassination such as the John F. Kennedy hit or any one of the 30 plus tries on the life of de Gaulle would cost upwards of $10 million between the preparatory work, the hit, and the cover-up, which have often involved further murders.) The remainder of the dirty money either went to the Far East to cover production costs, to maintain the internal machinery of organized crime, N.A., or to investment in "legitimate" business, and so forth.

The picture takes on additional political implications as we probe further into the Banque de Credit Internationale.

BCI was originally established in 1959, at the same time Major Bloomfield founded Permindex as an intelligence and financial front for the Israeli Mossad.

BCI's founder and president was Tibor Rosenbaum, a close associate of Bloomfield from at least the end of World War II when both smuggled weapons, money, and mercenaries into the Haganah. (30) Rosenbaum was subsequently appointed the first Director-General for Finance and Supply of the Mossad (1948).

An Austrian Jew who graduated from the economics department of the University of Vienna (31), Rosenbaum, in addition to his Mossad affiliation, was a cofounder of the World Zionist Congress and a director of the Jewish Agency. The Jewish Agency in turn created the Bank Hapoalim as the official agent for the Israeli labor movement, Histadrut.

With the exception of Major Bloomfield, Rosenbaum is the only foreign representative of the African smugglers' paradise, Liberia.

The BCI was ostensibly founded as a vehicle for financing illegal Israeli trade with Africa and the Third World; however,
this half-truth served merely to justify its location in the world
capital of secret banking, Switzerland, and its relationship to the

The picture emerges in full upon discovery of another member of the BCI board of directors: Ernst Israel Japhet. Japhet brings us straight back to the London banking circuit that runs Dope, Incorporated.

Who is Ernst Israel Japhet in addition to his membership on the board of the bank that serviced Meyer Lansky's retail revenues
from narcotics, gambling, prostitution? Japhet is the chairman
of the Bank Leumi, the largest bank in Israel, which we have
already identified as a link in the diamonds-for-dope trade into
Hong Kong. The latest heir of a German Hofjuden banking family
that traces its roots back centuries, Japhet was bought up by the
Quaker Barclays Bank of London, that created the wholly owned subsidiary Charterhouse Japhet. The Japhet family's more recent roots go back to Hong Kong's opium trade, into which the
family moved 150 years ago and never left (see Part II). The
Japhet bank was the granddaddy of the Palestine-to-Hong-Kong dope-for-diamonds trade, now run by Bank Leumi under Mr.

Japhet, now on behalf of his 100 percent owners in London at the staid offices of Barclays.

Joining Japhet on the board of Leumi is Baron Stormont Bancroft, a member of the Hofjuden Samuel family, a former Lord-in-Waiting to the Queen and a director and deputy chairman of Cunard Lines, a shipping company heavily involved in the drug traffic over Middle East, India, and Far East routes. (32)

Bank Leumi keeps its hand in the drug trade through its 100 percent owned subsidiary, Union Bank, of which Ernst Israel Japhet is also chairman. Union Bank deals over one-third of the world's diamonds.

Under Japhet, Bank Leumi bought into international terrorism in 1976 when it took over the American and Argentinian subsidiaries of the Banque pour le Commerce Continentale following its bankruptcy. The BBC's branch in Montevideo. Uruguay was the investment vehicle for the Israeli-Argentinian financier David Graiver, who was the financial advisor for the Argentine Montaneros. Graiver disappeared under strange circumstances in 1976. It was publicly reported that he died in a plane crash; however, subsequent reports speculated that he had clandestinely moved to Israel. (33)

Bank Leumi was not the only Israeli bank to heavily invest in the Banque de Credit Internationale. Even more heavily involved is the Bank Hapoalim. As chairman of the Canadian Histadrut Campaign, Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield of Permindex maintained direct cash flow relations to Hapoalim. (34)

The Bank Hapoalim, the third largest bank in Israel, was founded by the Jewish Agency, which runs the bank today. Its founder and present board member, British High Commissioner Viscount Erwin Herbert Samuel, belongs to the same Samuel family that retains interests in Bank Leumi and Cunard Shipping Lines. Viscount Samuel presides as head of the Israeli Red Cross, an official branch of the Most Venerable Order of St. John of Jerusalem. (35)

Bank Hapoalim has been widely exposed in the Western European press as a dirty-money channel into Swiss and Liechtenstein banks. (36) The charge is corroborated by the presence of Bank Hapoalim director Zwi Recheter on the board of Rosenbaum's BCI.

Another channel of Bank Hapoalim's complicity is the Permindex family of dope traders and assassins is the Israeli Continental Bank Ltd., a 50-50 joint venture between Bank Hapoalim and its West German Socialist International counterpart, Bank fur Gemeinwirtschaft. The German bank is chaired by Walter Hesselbach, a member of the West German branch of the Jerusalem Foundation, the Zionist branch of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. (37)

Stepping back for a moment, what have we now pieced together? Within the sealed accounts and well-guarded board room of the Banque de Credit Internationale we have uncovered yet another point of convergence of the three divisions of Dope, Incorporated: the production-distribution wholesaling division represented by Bank Leumi director Ernst Israel Japhet, the criminally syndicated retail division represented by the Lansky bagmen Pullman and Ferdman, and the murder division represented by the cash flow into Permindex. We have now established that Israeli banking and the Israeli Mossad are cutouts — like their Hofjuden sponsors — of the British monarchy, which runs the whole show through its merchant banks and its Knights of St. John.

The Nazi connection

Having set all the pieces in their appropriate places, we have sketched the outlines of both an operational flow chart for Dope, Incorporated (See Figure 1) and a global network of professional murderers, narcotics traffickers, secret intelligence officers, and portly London bankers and aristocrats.

Now let's return to the original question: what is Permindex? Working under SOE "case officer-in-charge" Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield, at the executive offices of Permindex and its subsidiaries — the Centro Mondiale Commerciale, the Italo-American Hotel Corporation and Capocetto — is a rogue's gallery of Nazis and Fascists, underworld bosses, and feudal throwbacks - the sort of cast one would expect to encounter at the seat of International Murder, Inc. Begin with Prince Gutierez de Spadafora, the former Undersecretary of Agriculture for Benito Mussolini. Spadafora is a director of Centro Mondiale Commerciale and the president of the Sicilian Compagnia Amatrice Industriale Petrolifera Armatoviole, a front for illegal arms smuggling. (38) The prince's son married the daughter of former Nazi Finance Minister Hjalmar Schacht, the architect of the Nazi economic policy that led to the extermination of millions of Jews. Schacht's other son-in-law was Nazi SS Colonel Otto Skorzeny, Hitler's Special Operations executive. After receiving a slap on the wrist for his wartime crimes against humanity, Skorzeny established the Spanish-based ADSAP Corporation, which hired out former Nazi SS paramilitary and intelligence specialists for projects arranged through Schacht. (39)

George Mantello (a.k.a. Mandel), the Romanian Jewish emigre whom we already encountered as a chief suspect in the Aldo Moro kidnapping-murder and who was under investigation by both the French SDECE and Garrison, is at once a board member of CMC and the owner of Permindex's Capocetto subsidiary. Capocetto was revealed by several Italian journalists (40) to be the liaison between the B'nai B'rith International and such terrorist gangs as the Red Brigades and the Baader-Meinhof, as well as a string of neo-Nazi groups in West Germany and Italy. Implicated B'nai B'rith officials included B'nai B'rith International Director Schlumberger, B'nai B'rith Continental (the West European branch housed in Basel) chief Erlich, B'nai B'rith France (also known as Ligue Internationale contre l'Anti-Semitisme, or LICA) head Jean Pierre-Bloch, and B'nai B'rith Austria director George Bloch.

Mantello is the financial advisor and investment banker for the House of Savoy, the pretenders to the nonexistent throne of unified Italy and the black nobility sponsors of Mussolini. (41)

The administrative officer of Permindex is Max Hagerman, the editor of the West German right-wing newspaper National-Zeitung, Israeli media have denounced National Zeitung as a "neo-Nazi" publication.

Ferenc Nagy was the President of Hungary during the Nazi occupation. Nagy tendered his resignation as President in 1946 via an infamous telephone call placed from a bank lobby in Geneva. A member of the Eastern European branch (founded by the Radziwill family) of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, Nagy relocated to the United States during the 1950s. Here he became the titular head of a number of White Russian-Eastern European groups which performed covert services for Allen Dulles and Division Five of the FBI in Eastern Europe, employing former members of the Hungarian fascist movement, Arrow Cross. (42) According to one source, Nagy came under the close scrutiny of New Orleans District Attorney Garrison for possible involvement in the John Kennedy assassination. (43) Nagy was in Dallas for the four-week period leading up to November 22, 1963, as case officer for Permindex and Division Five. Along with Nagy, Garrison was investigating the simultaneous surfacing of George Mantello in Los Angeles. Garrison established that Nagy and Mantello were both business and personal associates of Carlos Marcello, the New Orleans lieutenant of Meyer Lansky who carried out the assassination of Enrico Mattei.

Giuseppe Zigiotto, on the board of CMC, is the head of the House of Savoy Italian neofascist movement called the Fascist National Association for the Militia Arms.

Carlo D'Amelio, another Permindex-CMC board member, is an agent for the Italian black nobility houses of Savoy and Pallavicino. From the Mussolini period, d'Amelio was the attorney representing the grouping of oligarchical families that imposed the fascist dictator in collaboration with Sir Winston Churchill. This grouping was known as Circo Rex ("Royal Circle") and is believed to exist today as the control point for the Red Brigades, the neofascist cells, and the Autonomi (a mass-based anarchist counterculture movement parallel to the youth movements out of which Mussolini recruited his Black Shirts.)

The Pallavicini family, in addition to its sponsorship of terrorism and destabilization against the Italian government, is deeply involved in the Lebanese fascist movement, the Falange, through blood ties into the Coptic Christian families of Lebanon. On November 11, 1978, the Italian government's antiterrorist director, General Delia Chiesa, delivered a significant setback to this oligarchical network by arresting Paolo Sebregondi on charges of conspiring with the Red Brigades in the assassination of Aldo Moro. Sebregondi is the son of Countess Viondi and grandson of Princess Resta-Pallavicino, the former maid-in-waiting to the Queen of Italy. Paolo's brother, Stefano Sebregondi, known to be presently hiding in Mexico, is also being sought by Delia Chiesa in the same case. The exposure of this long-concealed link between the ostensibly gutter-level left radical Red Brigades and the Houses of Savoy and Pallavicini — the employers of d'Amelio and George and Enrico Mantello — establishes the chain of court admissible evidence for the Permindex role in carrying out the murder of Aldo Moro at the behest of the Black Nobility centered in London.

One of the principal channels of laundered money for Permindex-CMC's assassination teams is in the Seligman Bank of Zurich, a bank represented directly on the board of International Assassination Bureau by Hans Seligman, the director of the bank.

Although not an officially cited board member of any of the Permindex fronts, John De Menil bears special note as an indispensable business partner of Major Bloomfield. DeMenil is the president of the Schlumberger Corporation of Houston and southern Florida. The firm was implicated by Jim Garrison along with Permindex in smuggling guns and explosives to anti-Castro Cuban exiles who also came under investigation for the Kennedy assassination. DeMenil worked with a CIA Miami-based front called "Double-Chek," which in turn was a contact point for Major Bloomfield's FBI Division Five. (44)

DeMenil is a White Russian emigre who fled to France, married into the wealthy Schlumberger family, and eventually settled in Houston to open a U.S. branch of the family's heavy) machinery firm. DeMenil was a close associate and contact man for Permindex case officer Nagy during the preparation period for the Kennedy assassination. (45)

One of DeMenil's closest associates is Col. Clay Shaw, a member of the Permindex-CMC board. Shaw was Garrison's chief suspect in the Kennedy killing and is the business partner of Carlos Marcello. Shaw's circle of former associates who mysteriously died before they could testify before D.A. Garrison included: David Ferrie, Shaw's former pilot and employee at the World Trade Mart; Guy Bannister, the southeast regional chief of Major Bloomfield's Division Five of the FBI; and George de Mohrenschildt, a White Russian leader who allegedly committed suicide on the eve of his scheduled appearance before the House Assassination Panel. The day of his death he was interviewed by journalist Edward Jay Epstein, a self-admitted ghost writer and stringer for former Central Intelligence Agency counterintelligence director James Jesus Angleton. (46)

No discussion of Permindex, Division Five, or Major L.M. Bloomfield would be complete without a note on the controversial Mr. Angleton. This is not the time to reach any verdict on Angleton's place in the international hall of fame of assassins, dope pushers, and spies. We merely note a fantastic coincidence of facts. As head of counterintelligence for the CIA for nearly 30 years, Angleton was the official in charge of all activities relating to terrorism, assassinations, and international narcotics traffic. As the head of the Israeli Desk, he was also the liaison chief to the Mossad. Among his other responsibilities at the CIA, Angleton ran the Vatican desk, a position that placed him equally in touch with the House of Savoy. This last connection would have been solidified way back in the 1940s when Angleton was the OSS station chief for Italy, and therefore the officer in charge of OSS special agent Charles "Lucky" Luciano.

In short, Permindex's roster of directors and associates makes a mockery of everything the Zionist Lobby professes to stand for. The Montefiores, the de Hirschs, the Rothschilds, and their Bronfman and Bloomfield retainers are at once the most zealous leaders of the Zionist Lobby and the sponsors and controllers of a criminal network that extends to self-professed Nazis. It is time to bring before the courts the persons of Louis Bloomfield, Tibor Rosenbaum, the directors of Bank Leumi, of Bank Hapoalim, of B'nai B'rith International, of the Histradrut. Among the long list of indictments, one of the charges would be violation of the Nuremberg statutes for crimes against humanity — for deploying drug-runners and convicted Nazis for assassinations of world-shaking importance. Before the Zionist Lobby shouts "anti-Semitism," it must explain the composition and directorate of Permindex, which exposes once and for all the real controllers of the Nazi "Black" International.

A Permindex Unveiled: Resorts International -Intertel

In September, 1974 less than four weeks after President Richard Nixon was driven out of office, Evelyn de Rothschild, Walter Hesselbach, and a handful of others conspired to bring down the Banque de Credit Internationale (1). The collapse caused a momentary panic on the international financial markets and more longterm financial problems for such people as Nixon and Michele Sindona, the Italian banker, whose poor judgment led them to place their money in the hands of IOS. Did this financial catastrophe spell the end of Permindex? After all, BCI had been one of the centerpieces of the dirty money side of Major Bloomfield's assassination bureau.

Not only did the International Assassination Bureau survive the September 1974 events, and the earlier shunting of Permindex to South Africa. Pulling the plug on the BCI appears to have been a loud diversionary maneuver to obscure the fact that quietly, systematically, over a period of years, the Permindex capability was upgraded, expanded, and relocated to a spot only miles off the coast of the United States: Paradise Island in the Grand Bahamas. Here stands the corporate headquarters of Resorts International and its wholly owned subsidiary "security division, International Intelligence ("Intertel").

Forget about the pictures of Resorts International in glossy travel brochures or the advertisements in the Travel Section of the Sunday New York Times. Scarcely concealed among the palm trees, the swimming pools, and the all-night casinos and nightclubs is Major Bloomfield's Royal Commission of High Executioners — and billions of dollars in dope. Barely hidden behind the Resorts International letterhead is the eminence grise of organized crime, Meyer Lansky.

Beginning no later than 1960, Lansky hatched a grand scheme to create a "Hong Kong West" (2) in the Caribbean: an offshore center that would bring together gambling, narcotics, dirty money, and Murder Inc. under one unregulated and "highly respectable" roof.

First, Lansky picked the Grand Bahamas Island as the site for a plush casino-resort. Operating through a Canadian "cutout," longtime business associate Louis Chesler, Lansky negotiated a purchase of a large tract of land on the island and oversaw the construction of a grand hotel, the Lucayan Beach Hotel, which was completed and opened for business before the end of 1963. (3) At the time the venture began, casino gambling was illegal in the Grand Bahamas — except for those hotels that received a Certificate of Exemption from the Bahamian government. The most powerful political figure on the island, chief of the so-called "Bay Street Boys," was Sir Stafford Sands. Several meetings between Sands and Chesler and $1,800,000 in bribery later, Lansky received his Certificate of Exemption on March 27, 1963. On January 22,1964, the casino at Lucayan Beach was opened under festive circumstances that Hank Messick described as follows:

The international jetset was on hand to give the event some class, but Meyer Lansky's veterans were in complete control. Red Ritter was general manager; Max Courtney was credit manager; Charley Brudner was his assistant; Dino Cellini was supervisor, and so on. As a matter of fact, Dino had operated a school in London to train the dealers and stick men who came originally from Sicily by way of the syndicate casino on the Isle of Man in the Irish Sea. (4)

Phase One of Lansky's "Operation Respectable" completed, the old wizard proceeded with the next steps. First, he cleared the way for a consortium of "legitimate" investors headed by the Miami-based Mary Carter Paint Company to buy into Hog Island (renamed Paradise Island by its owner Huntington Hartford, the multimillionaire magnate of the Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea Company) and to receive a Certificate of Exemption for the construction of a hotel-gambling casino. Sir Stafford Sands, now in Lansky's hip pocket, saw these measures through and simultaneously announced that the Bahamian government was undertaking the construction of a bridge connecting Grand Bahamas to Hog Island, to be completed by December 31,1967. (5)

What sort of weird entity was Mary Carter Paints and why had Meyer Lansky gone out of his way to open all the doors on Bay Street to it?

To begin with the obvious, Mary Carter Paint Company was involved in more than wall coverings. In 1958, it was effectively taken over by merger with the Crosby-Miller Co. — a Florida company about which little is known except that former New York Governor and two-time Republican presidential candidate Thomas Dewey was one of its biggest investors. (6) Dewey's "Mr. Clean" crimebuster reputation, dating back to his days as special prosecutor during the 1940s, was a perfect cover for Lansky's move to Paradise Island.

Via the 1958 merger, the president of Mary Carter Paint Company was James M. Crosby. Crosby's brother, Peter Crosby, was a convicted stock swindler and a close business associate of Dino Cellini. Cellini was the first lieutenant to Meyer Lansky and was known as Florida's "connection" to Canadian heroin trafficker Guiseppi Cotroni. So even with Gov. Thomas Dewey's Anglophile profile on the label of every can of Mary Carter Paint, the product was severely tarnished by bigtime crime.

Fidel Castro's takeover of Cuba in 1959 had been a bitter pill for the Lansky syndicate to swallow; however, it taught the old wizard a valuable lesson: don't take politics for granted. Before he socked tens of millions of dollars into his Grand Bahamas dreamland, Lansky would make absolutely certain that he was treading on solid political ground.

So, in 1964, Lansky arranged a small scandal centered around the sudden "revelation" that Lucayan Beach promoter Lou Chesler had connections to organized crime boss Meyer Lansky! Chesler left the island no doubt laughing all the way to the bank, and Lansky became invisible.

Next, Lansky moved to overthrow the deeply entrenched and corrupted Bay Street Boys (the "Batistas of the Bahamas") and impose a new government committed to the public welfare of the Bahamian population — as long as the welfare was provided by revenues from lucrative gambling takes. Covertly, Lansky political operatives — often men like Big Mike McLaney, who had been Lansky's bagman for payoffs to Cuban dictator Batista — began to heavily bankroll the Progressive Liberal Party representing the islands' black majority. (7)

At the same time, Lansky began releasing blackmail dossiers on the Bay Street Boys. First, James Crosby went to the Justice Department to meet with Robert Peloquin of the Organized Crime Strike Force. Crosby clinched a deal with Peloquin (representing Robert Kennedy's "secret team"). Shortly thereafter Peloquin launched a full-scale investigation into "corruption in the Grand Bahamas" — using the evidence provided through Lansky. Another Lansky frontman, Tex McCrary, began leaking material to the press. McCrary's leaks enabled the Wall Street Journal to win the 1966 Pulitzer Prize for a lengthy series of articles exposing the connections between organized crime and the ruling political elite of the island — the Bay Streeters. (8)

Following the Crosby-Peloquin meeting, in 1965 the Internal Revenue Service — in conjunction with the Organized Crime section of the Justice Department — embarked on "Operation Tradewinds," ostensibly an investigation into "hot money" operations in the Bahamas. Heading the IRS side of the investigation was William Koler. Running the effort from the Justice Department was Robert Peloquin, working in close contact with Organized Crime and Racketeering section head Henry Peterson and Criminal Division head William Hundley.

By Christmas, 1966, growing scandals had presented the Bay Street Boys with a fait accompli. They called for elections and, on January 10, 1967, were driven out of office by the Progressive Liberal Party. Progressive chairman Lynden O. Pindling became Premier, and he petitioned for the convening of a Royal Commission of Inquiry to handle the organized crime penetration and control over Bay Street. The commission was convened in February 1967 under the chairmanship of Sir Ranulph Bacon, former head of Scotland Yard. Its investigation was based almost exclusively on the Lansky dossiers, which were passed on to Sir Ranulph by the Operation Tradewinds crew. (9)

By March 1967, all competitors with Mary Carter Paint Company had withdrawn their bids on the Hog Island land in fear that they would be exposed for their corrupt ties to Bay Street. Before the end of the month, Sir Stafford Sands packed his bags and retired to a castle in Spain.

Lansky, as the business agent for Dope, Incorporated, had completed a most silent coup d'etat. In rapid succession, all the rats surfaced to claim their just rewards.

Peloquin and Hundley "retired" from the Justice Department, opened up a law firm, and within a month were retained to manage the legal affairs of "Resorts International" — the new name adopted by Mary Carter Paints in 1966 when it made the bid for Hog Island. Both men became vice presidents of Paradise Enterprise, Inc., the Resorts International subsidiary that owns the island. By 1970, Resorts had created a wholly owned subsidiary private security army, Intertel. Its cofounders (who started off with a $2,000,000 commission from Resorts) were Peloquin, who became president, and Hundley, who became the secretary and the general counsel. Their initial recruits were drawn principally from the Operation Tradewinds taskforce, beginning with former IRS Intelligence Division head Koler. What Permindex had previously done under a shroud of secrecy and multiple layers of cover, Intertel was set up to do on a grand scale — before the public eye under the cover of crime control!

Before we look at Intertel and its personnel, more closely, it is important to set a few things straight about the investment capital that went into the construction of Resorts International.

Resorts International was financed largely with a transfer of funds from the Banque de Credit Internationale of Tibor Rosen-baum and Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield, and the Investors Overseas Service of Bernie Cornfeld and the Rothschild family.

An estimated $14 million in transferred monies traveling through Meyer Lansky's World Trade Bank and the Fiduciary Trust Company of Nassau, a wholly owned subsidiary of IOS, found their way into Resorts during its half-dozen formative years. (10)

Furthermore, by the agreement that first cleared the way for the granting of the property title, the construction rights, and the vital Certificate of Exemption, 44 cents on every dollar of profit taken in at the Paradise Island casino goes to the Lucayan Beach Hotel and Casino Corporation — still largely owned by Meyer Lansky through his Canadian business partner Lou Chesler.

From its investors' side then, Resorts International is indistinguishable from the previously Geneva and Basel-headquartered Permindex-BCI-IOS — a nexus that we have shown to be founded on the revenues of Dope, Incorporated. Resorts International equals bigtime drug trafficking: cocaine and marijuana from the Caribbean and South America, LSD and hashish produced in factories in the Bahamas, Costa Rica, etc., with venture capital provided through IOS. Resorts International's stationing on Paradise Island created the "Silver Triangle" — a dope route up through the Caribbean that the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration estimates to be the source of over $7 billion a year alone in narcotics passed through the southernmost tip of Florida.

Perm index moves to Bay Street

As the guts of BCI moved to Paradise Island, so the Permindex murder ring moved to Intertel. No longer was the Special Operations Executive to house its secret assassination teams in trading companies, Christian missionary schools, and commercial executive airline services. Murder, Inc. was to become part of the respectable, Kennedy "liberal establishment," flaunting itself as a private intelligence army for hire.

Of course, occasionally old methods of cover were demanded when inquiring reporters, grand juries, or congressional committees threatened to come a bit too close to the truth. Thus, when Intertel was brought before the Senate Watergate Committee for possible investigation, it was officially described as a "commercial firm that specialized in the identification of typewriters." (11)

What is International Intelligence? A "Who's Who" listing of its board and senior staff reads like a printout of British intelligence, the Mafia, and Mossad.

Intertel President Robert Peloquin was a troubleshooter on the Kennedy Justice "secret team" under Walter Sheridan. A World War II naval intelligence officer assigned to the Office of Naval Intelligence, Peloquin was transferred to the National Security Agency where he remained until moving to the criminal division of the Justice Department. In 1966, Peloquin was sent to Buffalo to head up the first official Organized Crime Strike Force in the country. Peloquin's "no crime here" coverup of the Jacobs family syndicate (see Section 5) was so well received that his boss, Henry Peterson, was gratefully hired as general counsel for the Jacobs' Sportsystems Corporation and let loose with a $1 million annual budget. Hundley and Peloquin run Intertel; Peterson runs Sportsystems; all three have been partners in the same law firm since 1976.

Hundley, the secretary and general counsel for Intertel, spent the 1951-57 years in the Internal Security section of the Justice Department. In that capacity, Hundley would have liased with the Division Five of the FBI headed by Permindex's Major Louis Mortimer Bloomfield. From Internal Security, Hundley moved onto the Kennedy Justice "secret team" and participated in the prosecution of Teamster President James Hoffa.

Sir Ranulph Bacon, the former head of Scotland Yard who conducted the Royal Commission inquiry that cleaned out the Bay Street Boys for Lansky, cashed in his chips by moving on to the Intertel board.

John D. O'Connell is the executive vice-president of Intertel in charge of its New York City operations. A 24-year veteran of the FBI, O'Connell was the supervisor of all FBI intelligence activities related to organized crime.

Thomas J. McKeon, vice-president and assistant general counsel, was a supervisor with Major Bloomfield's FBI Division Five before he went to Detroit to head up the Organized Crime Strike Force.

David Belisle, a member of the board, was the Deputy Director for Security at the State Department and subsequently the head of the Security section of the National Security Agency.

Edward M. Mullin, presently Intertel's director of intelligence operations, was with Division Five of the FBI and later with the CIA as an assistant deputy director in charge of clandestine services. Mullin's private security front in Washington, D.C., was infamous as the base of operations for E. Howard Hunt during the time of the Watergate breakin. Mullin is also directly tied into the Miami Double-Chek outfit that is implicated in several Permindex-run assassinations, including the JFK killing.

Among the other board members and ranking staff of Intertel are: a retired director of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police; a president of the Bronfman family's Royal Bank of Canada Trust Company; a president of the Dreyfus Corporation, an investment fund owned by the Hofjuden de Gunzberg family, into which the Bronfmans are intermarried.

What do we have here? First we have Resorts International, financed through the Geneva-Basel retail revenues of Dope, Inc. The manager of Paradise Island for its first half decade of operation (1968-73) was Eddie Cellini, the brother of Dino Cellini and another well-known lieutenant of Meyer Lansky. (When Cellini's criminal record became a potential sore spot for Resorts, he was discreetly shipped off to Miami where he now handles "charter flights" between Florida and Paradise Island — flights that may shuttle more than paying customers.) In 1972, Robert Vesco came a hairsbreadth away from buying majority holdings in Resorts International for $60 million — a transaction that was heartily endorsed by the "supersleuths" at Intertel. (12)

If Resorts International is a glossy front for Meyer Lansky's retail end of the biggest business in the world then what does that say for its wholly owned subsidiary, Intertel? Is it conceivable that this collection of senior officials from the most prestigious and sophisticated intelligence services of the United States, Canada, and Britain could be oblivious to the fact that they are "riding shotgun" for one of the biggest channels of narcotics and hot money in the Western Hemisphere?

Intertel stands exposed as the successor to Major Bloomfield's Permindex, drawing on the same SOE-Division Five capabilities, the same "direct line" interface into the official intelligence branches of half the countries in the world, the same allegiance to the British oligarchy behind the $200 billion a year Dope, Inc. While the motives may vary case by case, it is sufficient to say that anyone on the inside of Intertel attempting to break from its service and spill the beans would have about the same chance for survival as a Royal Hong Kong police officer who decided to turn down his weekly bribery envelope.

With the consolidation of Resorts International, we once again swing full circle. From a Prohibition-era jumping-off point of syndicated organized crime in the United States — fostered by the same British families that had ordered the Shanghai massacre to safeguard the rule of Dope, Inc. in China — we now find ourselves 50 years later confronted by a criminal infrastructure lobbying for the decriminalization of crime itself! The Kennedy Justice, Scotland Yard, and RCMP boys at Intertel sell their services as "experts in cleaning out undesirable criminal elements from your corporation." (13) Through this ruse they captured the Howard Hughes fortunes and are at present taking over "security services" for all the big Las Vegas casinos. (14) They moved into New Jersey and imposed gambling, horse racing, and numbers as the three "growth industries"; they are now posing New Jersey as the model to be followed by Florida, Arizona, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and New York.

After World War II, one of the economic warfare specialists in Sir William Stephenson's SOE, a fellow named Ian Fleming, wrote a series of coded novels describing the efforts at world conquest of a "third force" — an ultramodern international crime syndicate housed in the resort islands of the Caribbean. The weapons of "third force" conquest were drugs, political assassinations, grand-scale blackmail, and economic war against the nations of the world. With Resorts International-Intertel, Fleming's "third force" — the British oligarchy's Dope, Inc. — put itself up for trade on the stock markets of the world.

The Jacobs Family's Emprise: Sports and Crime

On June 2, 1976, moments after a bomb exploded in his car and inflicted fatal injuries, dying Arizona investigative reporter Don Bolles whispered three words to the rescue team that pulled him from the wreckage: "Mafia . . . Emprise . . . Adamson."

Bolles was on the verge of completing a seven-year investigation of laundered drug traffic money in the state of Arizona, including organized crime takeovers of dog tracks and horse racing—areas the Buffalo-based Jacobs family began moving into in 1959. A Phoenix resident, John Adamson, pleaded guilty to the murder in January 1977, naming a local real estate developer, Max Dunlop, as the man who hired him to murder Bolles. Mysteriously, no investigation ever took place of Emprise, the leading vehicle since 1916 of the Jacobs family, which had been the primary target of Bolles's investigation and the subject of his last words.

Emprise was one of the largest nonpublic, family-owned corporations in the world, a conglomerate with control or partial control over 450 separate companies. Its stated annual profit is $350 million, from holdings in North American and British sports complexes, race tracks, and food consortia. It is probably the biggest quasi-legitimate cover for organized crime's money laundering in the United States. Were it a public company, it would rank about 150 in the Fortune 500.

The Jacobs family's only concession to the numerous attempts by law enforcement agencies to shut them down was to change Emprise's name to Sportsystems in 1972.

The vast extent of the present Jacobs empire is approximated by Sportsystems' 1977 declared holdings. The pattern that emerges conforms to the requisites of an international laundering racket for narcotics, prostitution, and gambling receipts.

Sportsystems Corporation maintains:
*majority interest or significant minority interests in over 20 horse racing tracks in the United States and Canada;
*food concessions at over 40 horse racing tracks in the United States and Canada plus another 15 in England. Those in Great Britain are maintained in the name of Sportsystems' wholly owned subsidiary, Letheby and Christopher Ltd., chaired by a retired British Army colonel, Livingstone Learmouth;
*over ten greyhound racing tracks in the United States and Canada, including majority holdings in nearly every track in the heavily drug-trafficked state of Arizona;
*24 concession contracts with major-league baseball teams in the United States, including Chicago's Comiskey Park and Detroit's Tiger Stadium;
*ownership of the Boston Garden indoor professional sports complex and the Boston Bruins professional ice hockey team;
*ownership of Professional Sports Publications, Inc., the largest U.S. publisher of sports events programs;
*161 concessions at theaters and bowling alleys in the United States;
*15 airport concessions, including in-flight and ground-level concessions at Washington, D.C. airports and Palm Springs, Florida;
*two jai alai stadiums (legal gambling facilities) in Florida;
*industrial food catering services at such locations as the Gulf of Mexico oil drilling platforms; and
*one Alaska-to-Seattle cargo fleet comprised of six ships. This route curiously parallels the prime entry point to the U.S. of Chinese heroin.

Within this maze of operations, each characterized by a high volume of cash turnover, the $350 million figure is a fraud, published for tax purposes. Law enforcement sources estimate the annual flowthrough of tainted cash in the range of several billions of dollars.

That is not conjecture. Emprise and its incarnation, Sport-systems, left a broad trail of investigations, indictments, and convictions, occurring mainly during the years of Nixon's War on Drugs—a trail that ended with the Bolles murder. In 1972, the family firm was convicted of conspiracy to take over a gambling casino in Las Vegas by illegal means. That incident, among other things, provoked the change of the Emprise name. Indicted along with the Jacobs brothers were some of the best-known faces in the mug files of the Justice Department's Organized Crime Strike Force. Among the co-conspirators were top racketeers, drug traffickers, and the entire leadership of the Detroit mob, including

*Anthony Zerilli, son of Joseph Zerilli, Detroit's mob boss and an official of the Emprise subsidiary, Hazel Park Racing Association;
*Michael B. Polizzi of Grosse Point, Michigan, an owner of the Valley Die Cast Association, identified as a Detroit mob lieutenant in police files;
*Anthony Giordano of the "St. Louis Banana Distributing Company," the kingpin of St. Louis drug traffic;
*Peter J. Bellanca, also a director of the Emprise-owned Hazel Park Racing Association; and
*Jacob Shapiro, a Detroit-Miami mobster, with interests in Las Vegas' Silver Slipper casino.

Conviction in the same dock with known mobsters did not deter the Jacobs family. Since 1972, they have continued to act as money-movers and bagmen for a whole list of organized crime figures. Several large loans to crime syndicates are on the record, including a $2 million 1972 loan to the Montreal Expos—owned by their old sponsors and counterparts across the Canadian border, the Bronfman family of Montreal. An earlier recipient was convicted murderer Raymond Patriarcha, the crime boss of Rhode Island. Louis Jacobs, one of the three brothers, brought Patriarcha into a partnership in the Chicago Lion Manufacturing Company, since renamed the Bally Manufacturing company, the largest American producer of pinball and slot machines and the source of supply for the mob's pinball distribution. Also on the list of the Jacobs' "loan" recipients are a number of associates of syndicate financier Meyer Lansky, including Morris Dalitz, according to testimony introduced into the Congressional Record (1).

A Michigan grand jury is currently hearing a case implicating the Jacobs' Sportsystems and the Jacobs brothers personally in an attempt to tamper with Michigan state criminal records involving members of the Zerilli mob and St. Louis crime figure Morris Shenker.

Despite a record of criminal activity stretching back to the 1910s—and never interrupted—the Jacobs family remains one of the open, "legitimate" fronts for Dope, Incorporated. Not only is the Jacobs family protected, but, as we will document below, it retains a group of veterans of the Kennedy Administration's Organized Crime Strike Force as its legal department.

Emprise appeared in 1916, the year that the Bronfmans and the Hudson's Bay Company began bootlegging through the "Pure Drug Distribution Company," using the three Jacobs brothers as contacts right across the border in Buffalo. The original Jacobs brothers, Louis, Marvin, and Charles, used the old smugglers' cover of "food concessions" for a chain of vaudeville theaters on the Canadian border crossing points at Buffalo and Cleveland. (2) The modus operandi is pretty much the one Mitchell Bronfman used during the early 1970s for smuggling heroin into the United States. Once established, the Jacobs machine became a leading distributor for Bronfman liquor as the United States went dry.

Functionally, Emprise represented the "throttle" through which shipments of liquor could be turned on or off to the American mob. The Jacobs family, enduring a half-dozen criminal indictments through the 1920s, controlled the supply and financing of illegal booze for most of American organized crime.

Their dependents included the Purple Gang of Detroit, the gang convicted with the Jacobs brothers in the 1972 Las Vegas incident; the Morris Dalitz Cleveland-Las Vegas crime syndicate: and the Crown-Lundheimer mob in Chicago, the Zionist controllers of the colorful "cutout" Al Capone. (3) Not only are these ties still in place; every man who tried to do something about them is either dead, like reporter Don Bolles, or broken, like former Arizona Congressman Sam Steiger.

The Steiger investigation

Beginning in 1970, five-term Arizona conservative Congressman Sam Steiger began an investigation into Emprise's activities in his home state. Working closely with Bolles, Steiger prepared a series of reports for the House Select Committee on Crime, of which he was a member. Steiger placed two damning reports on Emprise in the Congressional Record in 1970 and 1972 (4). He also widely publicized the finding of an Arizona State Auditor General report charging Emprise with falsifying figures to get a tax-break bill through the State Legislature. By 1972, in conjunction with the Nixon Justice Department, he succeeded in getting grand jury charges and federal court convictions against Emprise and the six Detroit area mobsters already cited. On May 24, 1972, pressure on Emprise had reached such a public crescendo that even Sports Illustrated ran a lengthy expose titled "Jacobs — Godfather of Sports"; the magazine was promptly sued for $20 million and settled out of court.

At that point, Democratic Party politicians and prominent figures in the Zionist Lobby went into action on Emprise's behalf. Not coincidentally, the same forces that came forward for Emprise were also preparing the Watergate scandal to bring down President Richard Nixon. (5)

Democratic members of the House Select Panel on Crime denounced the majority report prepared by Steiger exposing Emprise's ties to organized crime. As admitted by Max and Jeremy Jacobs in congressional testimony, Emprise hired New York public relations man Hal Antin to defeat Steiger in his 1976 re-election bid. A Phoenix underworld figure, George H. Johnson, was paid to wiretap and survey Steiger and manufacture scandals against him. Arnold Weiss, a Buffalo attorney on the Emprise payroll, was sent to meet with Steiger and deliver a series of ultimatums. Weiss reportedly threatened to ruin Steiger by planting rumors that his marriage had broken up after his wife caught him in illicit relations with their three-year-old daughter. Such rumors, in fact, did appear in various Arizona media. (6)

In 1972, Senator Robert Dole, a Kansas Republican, publicly protested the House Select Panel's decision to terminate the hearings on Emprise. Dole revealed that the decision had followed a private meeting between Jeremy Jacobs and Democratic National Committee Chairman Larry O'Brien. O'Brien subsequently left his Democratic Party post and assumed a lucrative job as president of the National Basketball Association—an organization with heavy representation by the Jacobs family.

As the Watergate campaign broke down Nixon's resistance and dismantled the core of his efforts to suppress organized crime, the attack against Emprise faded. By June 1976, Don Bolles was dead. On November 3, 1976, in an election heavily shaped by nationwide vote fraud (7), Rep. Steiger lost his bid for a sixth term in Congress. By this time a broken man fearing for his life, Steiger met with Jeremy Jacobs to "apologize" for his accusations against Emprise. At this time Emprise-Sportsystems had three pending civil suits against Steiger. In a last act of humiliation, Steiger wrote to Attorney General Edward Levi as a spokesman for Emprise on behalf of a presidential pardon for the 1972 federal racketeering conviction. Incoming Attorney General Griffin Bell turned down the request as "not deserving." (8)

Jacobs and Royal Crown

The second generation of Jacobs brothers, Max, Jeremy, and Lawrence, underwent the same "washing" into respectable society as their old Prohibition business partners, the Bronfmans. Ironically, the Jacobs brothers used their longstanding association with the Bronfmans, since married into the upper reaches of the European Hofjuden, to lend them an air of respectability somewhat above that of the outright thugs with whom they still do most of their business. For example, a third-generation Jacobs, Jeremy, took his "higher education" not at a university, but at the Toronto Jockey Club, after his 1960 high school graduation. The Bronfman-run Toronto Jockey Club, like its counterpart in Hong Kong, is not only one of Canada's best protected dirty money-gathering outfits, but a place where Hofjuden and gangsters can amiably mix in safety. Regular denizens of the Toronto Club include Viscount Hardinge and Canadian organized-crime figure Murray Koffler. Koffler's role as a retail outlet for Bronfman dope-running came into the public domain in 1976, when an associate's chain of retail drug stores was indicted for maintaining an amphetamine factory and a national army of pill-pushers. That distinction did not prevent Koffler from attending the wedding of Britain's Princess Anne, or from maintaining his close friendship with Anne's husband. Captain Mark Phillips. (9)

So far the Jacobs have been barred from marriage into the leading Hofjuden circles. However, the Jacobs have been awarded a respectable role in the train of the British monarchy, in a service capacity. The "crown jewel" of the Jacobs' operations is the British firm, Letheby and Christopher Ltd.—the caterers, by Her Majesty's appointment, to "all events with a royal presence." (10) Their concessions through Letheby and Christopher include the Tate Gallery, the Ascot Races, and other gathering places of the Royal Family and the British aristocracy. L & C, as it is affectionately known in Britain, was awarded the management of Ascot through the Bank of Norfolk, whose trustees include the Marquis of Abergavemy and Lord Tyron—the Keeper of the Queen's Privy Purse, third in aristocratic rank to the Keeper of the Queen's Horse, and the Keeper of the Queen's Bedchamber.

Apart from its royal honors, the Jacobs subsidiary manages 12 other racetracks in Great Britain including the national track at Liverpool, the site of the Grand National, and Wembly Stadium, Britain's equivalent of Madison Square Garden.

More than their retailing services for British dope-peddlers, however, accounts for the Jacobs family's honored position at the British court. They have conducted crucial—and dangerous—political errands for the British oligarchy over a period of years. One such mission involved the successful sabotage of Richard Nixon's 1972 plan for detente with the Soviet Union. Their instrument for the act of sabotage—the man whose presidential campaign they funded lavishly—was Senator Scoop Jackson.

"Scoopsie," Max Jacobs once said, "is the best friend Israel has in the Congress." Max and brother Jeremy were funders of their torpedo's run for the White House. (11)

Jackson authored the "Jackson-Vanik" Amendment to destroy the effectiveness of Nixon's 1972 treaty for expanded trade and scientific cooperation, which rested, among other things, on American credits for Siberian development. Jackson's operation prevented the United States from extending any credits to the Soviet Union until the Soviets "liberalized" their Jewish emigration policy. (Under the Nixon Administration, such emigration had already increased fourfold.)

The Jacobs brothers had hamstrung a treaty the British Crown viewed as a mortal enemy, one the Rothschild-owned London Economist denounced as a "waltz of the elephants." Jackson has continued to work as a pawn of the Jacobs crime family, advocating, among other projects, a military alliance with and weapons sales to China, Britain's partner in world dope traffic.

In the Jacobs group, America has its homegrown version of the Green Gangs, the fifth column Britain used to destroy China.

Working for the HongShang

From available evidence, the British oligarchy rates the Jacobs group's political usefulness as an intermediary for control over organized crime sufficiently important to make major efforts to rebuild the Jacobs' tarnished image. The prize that motivates Britain in this regard is the Buffalo-based Marine Midland Bank, which the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank now wants to buy out.

From the American side the most important "inside agents" pushing the HongShang takeover are Leonard Rochwarger and Paul Schoelkopf, since 1973 the closest business associates of Max and Jermy Jacobs. (12) Rochwarger is president of First-mark Corporation, a heavy equipment leasing company and the American leg of an international conglomerate controlled by Britain's most important Hofjuden, the Rothschilds and Sebag-Montefiores.

Rochwarger was brought into the deal at a Paris meeting in 1971 with Edmond de Rothschild and Robin Sebag-Montefiore, who represented, respectively, the Isrop S.A. of Luxembourg and the Gilsyd Corporation of Liechtenstein. Under an intricate merger arrangement, Rochwarger emerged from the meeting as president of a new international subsidiary of the Rothschild and Montefiore companies, Israel-American Leasing of Tel Aviv, now the largest firm of its type in Israel.

Rochwarger is an old associate of Max Jacobs; both sit on the board of the Joint Distribution Committee, the funding center for American Zionist organizations. In addition, Rochwarger is the director of the National Jewish Centers and Youth Programs both in the United States and Canada, a regional board member of the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, and fundraising chairman of the United Jewish Appeal.

Paul Schoelkopf, another Buffalo-based Zionist, is leading the local campaign in support of HongShang's bid for Marine Midland. Schoelkopf is chairman of Buffalo's Niagara Share Corporation, an investment company that pools the resources of wealthy local investors for large investments. Among Niagara's holdings is 246,000 shares in HongShang stock. Its other holdings include investments in the Swire family's Pacific A Corporation, and 400,000 shares in two Hong Kong holding companies, Cheung Kong Holdings Ltd., and the trading company Hutchinson Whampoa, also linked to HongShang.

Another Schoelkopf investment vehicle is the $250 million per year food wholesaling-retailing group, Niagara Frontier Services, whose chairman is Armand Castellani, a member of Marine Midland's board of directors. A merger is currently in process between Niagara Frontier Services and Sportsystems, which would double the stated "legitimate" revenue base of the Jacobs family empire.

If HongShang receives the Marine Midland Bank from the hands of Max Jacobs, the link between the retail cash laundering facilities of the American mob and the wholesale financing of the international dope traffic will be complete. As noted in Part II, Section 1, it will also complete the British oligarchy's takeover of the last remaining offshore center not wholly in its possession, Panama.

Jacobs joins Intertel

In the aftermath of Congressman Steiger's investigation, Sportsystems underwent a corporate personnel reorganization. The result was that Sportsystems established an interface with the center of the crime syndicates and the reincarnated Assassination Bureau—Resorts International and its subsidiary, Intertel.

The entire executive team and legal staff brought into Sport-systems in 1975 was made up exclusively of veterans of the Kennedy Justice Department—the same Kennedy Justice Department that sent the man who is now president of Intertel, Robert Peloquin, to Buffalo, to "investigate" the Emprise crime syndicate!

In early 1975, Donald Carmichael, a Kennedy Democrat who had served as a delegate both at the 1964 and 1968 Democratic conventions, as well as on the President's War on Poverty panel, became the president of Sportsystems. Carmichael ushered in a dozen Kennedy Justice Department hands over the next two years.

In 1976, Max and Jeremy Jacobs' close friend and "business associate" Max Fisher released the general counsel of his own corporation, United Brands (formerly United Fruit), so that he could accept Jacobs' offer of the post of general counsel to Sport-systems. Before his employment at United Brands, Stanley Mills had been a Justice Department aide to Attorney General Robert Kennedy. (13)

In 1977, when the Bolles murder temporarily threatened to bring Emprise-Sportsystems under criminal investigation, Horace S. Webb joined the firm as public relations director. Webb, who assisted the Watergating of Richard Nixon on behalf of the Kennedy machine, had previously been Deputy Public Information Director for the Justice Department and later press secretary for Attorney General Elliot Richardson.

By the time the facelift of Sportsystems was finished, four other Kennedy Administration officials—each a member of Robert Kennedy's "secret team"—were brought into the firm's legal division.

Half the Kennedy "old boys" had moved into Resorts International and Intertel; the other half went over to the Jacobs group, for the same type of assignment.

Heading the "Intertel Team" at Sportsystems is Henry Peterson, the former chief of the Organized Crime and Racketeering Division of the Kennedy Justice Department. At Camelot, Peterson was the superior of Robert Peloquin, now president of Intertel.

Peterson's entire staff from the old Robert Kennedy days came with him. At Sportsystems, his chief aides are William Bittman, Daniel Hollman, and Thomas Kennedy. Kennedy worked for Peterson in the Organized Crime Division of the Department of Justice. Their big assignment in the old days came when Peterson sent them to New York State—to investigate the mob connections of Emprise!

"Bagman" Max Fisher

Max Fisher, today the chairman of United Brands, is the acknowledged "kingmaker" in the Michigan Republican Party, and a political power nationally. As president of the United Jewish Appeal, president of the Jewish Welfare Fund, and honorary chairman of the American Jewish Committee, Fisher holds rank next to his close friends Max and Jeremy Jacobs and the Bronfman brothers as one of the leading lights of the Zionist Lobby in North America. Fisher is also Henry Kissinger's contact man in the Michigan-Ohio area, and until recently was national fundraising chairman for the Republican Party.

Those are impressive credentials for a man who got his start as "bagman" for Prohibition's "Purple Gang." Max's job was to run advance payments for Bronfman liquor across the Canadian border and secure advance deliveries of Bronfman "rotgut" to the speakeasies that dotted Michigan's auto towns. Today, Max's headquarters, the Fisher Building, is owned by the Bronfmans.

Today Midwest law enforcement officials name Max Fisher as the prime candidate for arrest and conviction as the kingpin of the vast narcotics trade in the Midwest—including the tons of drugs that pour into the auto belt. Yet no indictments have been forthcoming. Freuhauf Trucking Company, based in both Canada and the United States, provides one channel for large-scale drug smuggling, these officials report. Max Fisher is a Freuhauf board member and large shareholder. Knowledge of Fisher's drug connection even includes the various parking lot "truck stops" — adjacent to Fisher's Detroit suburban headquarters — that are believed to serve as transshipment points for heroin, cocaine, and marijuana. Fisher's privately owned Marathon Oil Company, barging crude oil into the Midwest from ports of call in South America, is also suspected of joining Fisher's United Brands in running the "Silver Triangle" drug traffic.

Since its founding by the New Orleans Macheca mob and Montefiore-sponsored Jewish immigrant Zemurray, United Fruit-United Brands has dominated both licit and illicit trade in the Central and Latin American countries that produce cocaine and marijuana for the American market. In those same countries, the Israeli financial and intelligence networks identified earlier with the narcotics traffic have become the principal supplier of weapons. In Central America and in Chile, Israel has replaced the U.S. as the leading arms merchant for United Brands' "banana republic" governments. (14)

That none of the evidence has brought action against Fisher raises some interesting questions about who controls Michigan politics. Fisher, as noted, is not only the powerbroker for the Republican Party, but along with the Socialist International affiliate, the United Auto Workers (UAW), is on top of the ghetto and in-plant crime machine and Maoist-environmentalist gangs that push drugs and terrorism. This was the conclusion drawn from an investigation involving federal law enforcement officials after a July 1978 attempted assassination of U.S. Labor Party Chairman Lyndon LaRouche in Detroit.

The "political cover" under which drugs and terror find their way into the floors of the auto plants is the Communist Labor Party of Michigan. This avowedly Maoist grouplet is an outgrowth of the nest of agents provocateurs who incited the late 1960s riots that left large sections of Detroit's working class districts in ruins. After the riots, Max Fisher and then-UAW President Leonard Woodcock (now U.S. Emissary to the People's Republic of China) stepped in to found the New Detroit Corporation as the "reforming" de facto ruling body over the region. New Detroit outflanked the constituency political machine in the city administration and police department, removing the chief impediment to the "liberal" proliferation of drugs, vote fraud, and fingertip-controlled political violence. The Communist Labor Party of Michigan provides the footsoldiers for all three.

According to records on file with Detroit City Clerk, the Communist Labor Party is financed by Max Fisher's Zionist Lobby. Among the campaign contributors to its 1976 and 1978 "electoral campaigns" are Avern Cohen, Fisher's personal attorney and his political lieutenant, and Richard Lobenthal, the head of the Michigan Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith. The Communist Labor Party also gets money from a group called the Anti-Nazi Coalition, in which it joins the B'nai B'rith, and a Zionist umbrella group called the Jewish Community Council. The latter is financed by numerous Zionist philanthropies including the Jewish Welfare Fund, and by thousands of dollars in UAW membership dues. (15) The Anti-Nazi Coalition services a string of storefronts, bookstores, and other commercial enterprises that dish out dope to the auto plants and ghettos.

The Jacobs family, Max Fisher, the Bronfman brothers: these figures stand behind organized crime, the drug traffic, and the systematic corruption of the political process in nearly every precinct of the United States. A precise estimate cannot be given of the percentage of the $200 billion of narcotics revenues diverted into political corruption and disruption. But the nearly $1 billion the Jacobs family put up to oust Congressman Sam Steiger, the Bronfmans' multimillion dollar expenditure for political and economic warfare against the U.S. Labor Party, and the $1 million "war chest" that Resorts International assembled to put across legalized casino gambling in New Jersey by legislative fiat, provide sufficient warning that the sums spent on illegitimate political activities exceed those spent under the Federal Election Law.

Corruption of politicians is more flagrant, more public, than streetcorner soliciting by prostitutes. Take the case of St. Louis Representative William Clay, now treasurer of the Black Caucus in Congress. Clay was selected for his job by Morris Shenker, the owner of the Dunes and Sands casinos in Las Vegas and the attorney for Anthony Giordano in the 1972 federal case against Emprise. (16) Clay's Black Caucus colleague Parren Mitchell of Baltimore, who has emerged as a leading spokesman for drug decriminalization, is another.

The roster of Britain's Green Gang thugs in the United States, stretching down to every populated center, is too extensive to bear further detail. The Jacobs, Bronfmans, Fishers have the same modus operandi: understand it, and nothing about organized crime elsewhere will be difficult to understand. Once this operation is cracked, drug traffic and corruption in cities across the country can be broken, assembly-line fashion.

Britain's agents of corruption are now beginning the final phase of opium warfare against the United States, as the dope-runners and money-launderers press for legalization of gambling and drug addiction. Under the transparent lie that legalization means the destruction of organized crime—rather than its enthronement in the state capital—gambling has opened up in New Jersey, under the aegis of Meyer Lansky's Resorts International and Intertel. Dope, Incorporated is preparing, in effect, to take its "rightful place" at the top of the Fortune 500. The American Green Gangs are preparing the final "Shanghai Massacre" of the American people.

A long trail of indictments, fines and press stories leads to one of the most dramatic case histories of Dope, Incorporated, and to Philadelphia, the City of Brotherly Love. Under the direction of old Philadelphia Quaker families, whose roots in the opium traffic go back to the first years after the American Revolution, and with the cooperation of one of Britain's oldest opium-running families, the Phiadelphia dope network can be charted from the wholesale production of illicit drugs down to the gutter.

Tucked away in the towering Sun Oil building in downtown Philadelphia are the small corporate headquarters of an obscure firm known as Paco Pharmaceuticals. Paco has only one line of business: it packages roughly two-thirds of the amphetamine tablets sold in the United States, under contract from the old Quaker pharmaceuticals companies in the Philadelphia area, including Smith, Kline and French, Rohm and Haas, and Pennwalt. It publishes no annual report or other information concerning its activities, except for one crucial fact: it is owned by Charterhouse Japhet, the present incarnation of the old Japhet family opium interests. Paco is also the source of most of Federal agencies have tried to crack down on the Paco nexus for years, but have succeeded only in wrist-slapping its local collaborators. The record of citations of the amphetamine producers is lengthy. It includes:

*A $200,000 fine imposed in October 1977 by the Drug Enforcement Administration on Pennwalt Pharmaceuticals, after Pennwalt was convicted of 17 counts of questionable practices in the production of medicines containing cocaine.

*A 1972 accusation against Pennwalt by the predecessor organization of the Drug Enforcement Administration, the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs, involving Pennwalt's use of Mexican subsidiaries to provide illicit channels of drug traffic in the United States with amphetamines. The BNDD discovered major accounting discrepancies between the amounts of amphetamine Pennwalt claimed it shipped to Mexico and the amount of amphetamine that actually arrived in Mexico.

*A recent order by the Food and Drug Administration compelling Pennwalt to close a warehouse housing opium, ostensibly for manufacture into licit morphone under federal license, due to "leakage" of the opium.

*In November 1976, CBS's "Sixty Minutes" news feature program accused Pennwalt of marketing amphetamine-based diet pills, with the deliberate objective of creating a "hooked" market of dependent amphetamine users. Commentator Mike Wallace cited a 1970 Pennwalt internal memorandum to substantiate this allegation.

The Philadelphia story

The hard evidence of illegal drug trafficking by the old-line drug firms in amphetamines, and strong suspicion of similar trafficking in cocaine and opium, is the starting point for a chain of control that ends with the retail drug trade, terrorism, and crime on the streets of Philadelphia, leading through individuals in high positions in the city's top banks and "charitable" foundations. A November 13, 1978, expose of the Philadelphia Foundation in the Philadelphia Daily News brought to public light the incriminating information that had, independently, been gathered by a U.S. Labor Party investigative team.

One James Boudine, a director of Pennwalt Pharmaceuticals, is the leading connection between the wholesale and street-level sides of Philadelphia's narcotics traffic. Until 1977 he was president of the First Pennsylvania Bank, in charge, among other things, of its support of the Philadelphia Foundation. Despite his departure from the president's suite, he remains on the board of directors and continues to direct the bank's "charitable" activities.

What First Pennsylvania's and other Philadelphia banks' funds went for became clear in the summer of 1978, when a member of a local leftist cult, known as "MOVE," killed a Philadelphia policeman with an automatic rifle. Heavily oriented towards drugs and terrorism, MOVE is part of a family of similar groups that functions under the umbrella of the drug-oriented Movement for a New Society, one of the ugliest concoctions ever to appear on the streets of the United States. The Movement for a New Society and its more explicitly violence-prone outlets, such as MOVE, receive most of their funding from the Philadelphia Foundation and two associated funding conduits for the Quaker pharmaceuticals firm and the related Philadelphia banks. (3) The other conduits are the William Penn Foundation, controlled by the five members of the Haas pharmaceuticals family who sit on the foundation's board, and by the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers).

The Yearly Meeting is no more a religious Quaker institution than Seagram Liquors or Emprise are religious Jewish institutions, but serves as a front for leading British-allied banking and chemical companies of Quaker origin. The funds of the Yearly Meeting are controlled by Robert Boudine—of the same Boudine family—in two secret accounts held at James Boudine's First Pennsylvania Bank, and shunted to undisclosed activities. Among known contributions is a $2,000 donation to the MOVE group, before the murder of the Philadelphia policeman attracted public attention. That contribution was only dis covered after Philadelphia police moved in to clean out MOVE's headquarters, and discovered a receipt for $2,000 from the Yearly Meeting of the Friends in MOVE's quarters.

The Movement for a New Society is the biggest law enforcement problem in the city of Philadelphia. Not only has it produced killers like those from MOVE, but its combination of pro-drug, pro-homosexuality, pro-pederasty, pro-environ-mentalist ideology provides an environment that breeds terrorists. According to its own publications, the Movement for a New Society provided the cadre who led the "Clamshell Alliance" demonstration at New Hampshire's Seabrook nuclear reactor site in 1977. New Hampshire police conducted mass arrests of the demonstrators after receiving information that the demonstrators planned terrorist action.

This antisocial organization receives its funds from the pharmaceutical firms and their bankers, through the Philadelphia Foundation, the William Penn Foundation, and the Yearly Meeting's $25 million secret slush fund. The William Penn Foundation funds the Movement to the tune of $40,000 a year. The foundation was established by Rohm and Haas. The Philadelphia Foundation provided the Movement's funding conduit, Neighborhood Resources West, with $6,472 in recorded funds in 1977. That foundation was founded under the auspices of officials of the Fidelity Bank of Philadelphia Banking Corporation. On the Fidelity Bank's board is John C. Haas of Rohm and Haas; its chairman is Howard C. Petersen, who also sits on the board of Rohm and Haas.

How little the operations of the Philadelphia Society of Friends resemble the religious principles of Quakerism is evident from one fact: their Philadelphia offices house the headquarters of 1) the Venceremos Brigade, the mother organization for the terrorist Weathermen; 2) the Susan Saxe Defense Committee, which conducted legal efforts on behalf of Weatherwoman bank robber Susan Saxe; and 3) the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, which officially supports the terror-bombings of the so-called FALN. The "Religious Society of Friends" designation is a misnomer. The Philadelphia Quakers operate through the American Friends Service Committee, an organization that religious Quakers have despised since its founding.

The American Friends Service Committee's spawn, the Movement for a New Society, funded through Quaker accounts, is explicitly pro-violence. One of its publications, a 1976 pamphlet entitled "Moving Towards a New Society," says: "There are a number, perhaps a growing number, of completely sincere humanist revolutionaries who believe that violence is necessary, although regrettable, and that only through armed struggle can the powerful American Empire be is important that we express solidarity with all who share our goals," e.g. Susan Saxe and the Venceremos Brigade.

The Quaker-funded Movement for a New Society also published a series of frankly pornographic manuals for their "revolutionaries," including such titles as "Gay Oppression and Liberation," "Liberating Sexuality," and "Take Heart—All Those in the Struggle." These publications advocate pederasty, "multiple sexual relationships," and public masturbation. One of these publications, "Gay Oppression and Liberation," reports that "non-gays in the Movement for a New Society have made great strides recently in reducing their complicity with heterosexism." This is not only a breeding ground for the dope traffic and terrorism, but an expression of the cult existence prescribed by the original masters of the narcotics traffic (see Part IV). And it is the bottom line for the William Penn and Philadelphia Foundations.

Charterhouse Japhet's presence in the middle of this mid-Atlantic zoo is the link back to the highest levels of Dope, Incorporated, the queer alliance of Friends-who-are-not-Friends and Jews-who-are-not-Jews. The leading Quaker banking families in Philadelphia allied themselves with the Baring bank and the dope traffic in the first years of the American Republic. The top British banks include old Quaker families, who have been represented in the United States for two centuries. Britain's largest bank, Barclays, founded in its present form in 1835, has been in Quaker hands for 200 years. Its representative David Barclay lived in Philadelphia during the 18th century, at the same time that the Baring Bank set up shop there. Barclays' board, as noted earlier, includes five members of the Most Venerable Order of St. John of Jerusalem, the chivalric dirty tricks arm of the British and related monarchies.

Charterhouse Japhet today is controlled by Barclays Bank, through an intermediary. Barclays controls Slough Properties, which functions as the de facto parent organization of Charter-house Japhet. Through its hold on the Japhet family interests, Barclays controls Israeli finance, by way of Ernst Israel Japhet, the chairman of Israel's largest finance house, Bank Leumi. Bank Leumi has just applied to the American regulatory authorities for permission to open a branch office in Philadelphia.

Consequently, the joint appearance of "Quaker" and "Jewish" financiers at the center of the Philadelphia Story is no accident. Neither of them have anything more to do with the two religions than does the Movement for a New Society's perverted gibberish. Under the control of the British oligarchy and the Order of St. John, they are the instruments of a British subversion plan in Philadelphia that, in the words of the Movement for a New Society's badly printed tract, wants to "topple the American Empire."



1. Canadian Jewish Congress Report, 1967-68, in commemoration of Samuel Bronfman.
2. Ibid.
3. Peter C. Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, The Rothschilds of the New World (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Ltd., 1978), pp. 66-73.
4. Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, p. 64.
5. Hank Messick, Lansky (New York: Berkley Medallion Books, 1971), pp. 230-31.
6. James H. Gray, Booze (Toronto: Macmillan Co. of Canada, Alger Press, 1972).
7. Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, p. 127.
8. Russell Sage Foundation, 1907-1946 (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1947), Volume 1.. Loanshark operation surveys were also conducted in Illinois and Kentucky.
9. Hank Messick, Secret File (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1969), pp. 277-78.
10. Torrio's rise to power has been chronicled in hundreds of books and press accounts dealing with the history of organized crime and with the "Capone" Chicago organization in particular. See Don Maclean, Pictorial History of the Mafia (New York: Pyramid Books, 1974); Ralph Salerno and John S. Tompkins, The Crime Confederation (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1969); Martin A. Gosch and Richard Hammer, The Last Testament of Lucky Luciano (New York: Dell Publishing Co., Inc., 1974). Additional insight was provided through numerous interviews with law enforcement officials at the U.S. Customs Bureau and Drug Enforcement Administration.
11. Maclean, Pictorial History of the Mafia, p. 150; see also Donald R. Cressey, Theft of the Nation: The Structure and Operations of Organized Crime in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1969), pp. 29-53.
12. Maclean, Pictorial History of the Mafia, p. 461. Figures vary for the death toll reached during the war period; however, on the night that New York boss Salvatore Maranzano — September 11, 1931 — was assassinated and the immediate 48-hour period following, it is estimated that 40 gang leaders were killed in the overall purge. See also: Donald R. Cressey, Theft of the Nation, pp. 29-53. and Peter Maas, The Valachi Papers (New York: Bantam Books, 1968).
13. Messick, Secret File, pp. 96-97. Corroboration of the analysis presented here was provided through numerous and exhaustive interviews with law enforcement officials at the DEA and U.S. Customs Bureau.
14. Messick, Lansky, pp. 90, 97-98. Additional corroboration was provided by DEA officials in interviews in December 1977.
15. Report from Narcotics Division Agent Ralph Oyler to Narcotics Division Chief Levi Nutt, March 30, 1926 (DEA Library, Washington, D.C.).
16. Jonathan Marshall, "Opium and Politics of Gangsterism in Nationalist China—1927-45," Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 3 (1976): 19-48.
17. Ibid.
18. Henry Aubin, Who Owns Montreal.
19. Ibid.
20. Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, pp. 55-61.
21. Starkman stores' connections to Koffler were widely publicized at the time in the Toronto Globe and Mail.
22. See also Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, pp. 167-169.
23. The Washington Post, November 6,1978, p. 2.
24. Newman, Bronfman Dynasty, p. 233.
25. Ibid., p. 231.
26. Ibid., p. 225.
27. Ibid., p. 232.
28. Ibid., p. 227.
29. Ibid., p. 227.


1. Financial Campaign Report filed by the Kennedy for Re-Election Committee, 1976, with the Clerk of the Senate.
2. Pictorial History of Mafia; see also Clark R. Mollenhoff, Strike Force: Organized Crime and the Government (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1972).
3. Senate Committee Hearings on Organized Crime and Narcotics, 1963.
4. Financial Campaign Report filed by the Kennedy for Re-Election Committee, 1976.
5. David E. Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy: A Life and Times (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1974), p. 9. Additional insight and information on Kennedy was provided through interviews with law enforcement officials.
6. Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy, p. 19.
7. Ibid., pp. 28,30.
8. Ibid., p. 28; see also William Stevenson, A Man Called Intrepid (New York: Ballantine Books, 1976), p. 325.
9. Interview with DEA officials, December 1977; see also Messick, Secret File, p. 197 and Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy, p. 53.

352 DOPE, INC.
10. Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy, p. 53.
11. Ibid., p. 115.
12. Ibid., pp. 166,394-95.
13. Ibid., p. 378.
14. Sir John Wheeler-Bennett, Special Relationships: America in Peace and War (New York: St. Martin, 1976), pp. 34-35; see also Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy, pp. 403-4.
15. Wheeler-Bennett, Special Relationships, pp. 34-35.
16. Victor Navasky, Kennedy Justice (New York: Atheneum, 1970), p. 404.
17. Ibid.
18. Messick, Lansky, pp. 241-42. This viewpoint was also shared by numerous law enforcement officials who were interviewed in the course of researching the history of organized crime.
19. Who's Who in Canada.
20. Harold Macmillan, At the End of the Day 1961-63 (London: MacMillan London, Ltd., 1973), 6:359-60. According to Macmillan: "The President did not want to give us Polaris on political grounds, for fear of upsetting all the European nations. . . . The arrangement finally agreed was that we should be supplied with the Polaris missile. . . . Our nuclear fleet was to be 'assigned' to NATO, except in cases 'where Her Majesty's government may decide that superior national interests are at stake.'. . . Three days' hard negotiating — nearly four days in reality. The Americans pushed us very hard. . . the discussions were protracted and fiercely contested. . . ."
21. Ibid.
22. Koskoff, Joseph P. Kennedy, p. 439.


1. The former Shaw associate was Gordon Novel. Novel, an associate of Clay Shaw and Carlos Marcello, was himself under investigation by Jim Garrison for possible involvement in the Kennedy assassination conspiracy. An expert in electronic devices (including highly sophisticated surveillance equipment), Novel was employed by the Marcello-Permindex group in New Orleans and apparently also by the CIA through its Miami-based Double-Chek commercial front. Novel was interviewed by the authors on several occasions during spring-summer 1977. In October or November 1977, Novel was arrested in an Atlanta, Ga. suburb on charges of violation of bail conditions. The conditions were set by a New Orleans Parish Judge after a 1976 arrest on charges of conspiring to burn down a commercial building in that city. Novel is presently in New Orleans Parish jail awaiting trial on the bomb-arson plot charges.
2. A series of articles appearing in Paesa Sera on March 4, 12, 14, 1967; see also Les Echos and Le Figaro during spring 1962 for numerous news and editorial references to Permindex's role in the assassination attempts against President de Gaulle. .
3. Anonymous, The Permindex Papers, 1970, p. 58. This unpublished manuscript was reviewed by the authors on condition that the title of the document and the biographical material provided on its author would be kept confidential. The Permindex Papers is not the actual title of the manuscript. The author or authors used documents prepared by the Justice Department and Treasury Department of the United States government. Additionally, they cited public sources including magazine articles, newspaper articles, and books. In cases where the original sources were cross-checked, the original sources will be cited directly.
4. Ibid., pp. 141-49.
5. Louis Wiznitzer, "Will Garrison's Inquiry into Kennedy Assassination Lead to Montreal?" Le Devoir, March 16, 1967, Montreal; also Canadian Dimension, September-October, 1967 (reprint).
6. Giuseppe Pantaleone, "An Interview," Panorama, April, 1970.
7. Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 164.
8. From an unpublished interview with an anonymous Rome-based foreign correspondent conducted in Rome, August 15-16,1978.
9. Wiznitzer, "Will Garrison's Inquiry."
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid.
12. In Italy, for example, the head of the Order of St. John Ambulance Squad was directly implicated in the assassination of former Italian President Aldo Moro. Baron Johann von Schwartzenberg was under intensive investigation by Italian authorities as the suspected mastermind of the Moro murder. Schwartzenberg was exempt from any prosecution, search, or interrogation due to his diplomatic status as an emissary of the Sovereign Order of St. John, Order of Malta, which is recognized by many governments, including the Italian government, as a sovereign state. Schwartzenberg died within a month of Moro's dea'th in an automobile accident.
13. Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 231.
14. Ibid., pp. 231-32.
15. Ibid., p. 161.
16. Allan J. Weberman, Coup d'Etat in America (New York: Joseph Okpaku, 1975) pp. 39-40.
17. Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 73. The name of the courier was Maurice Gatlin. According to testimony delivered by Jerry Milton Brooks before the New Orleans Grand Jury investigating the assassination of Kennedy, Gatlin was a "transporter" for both the CIA and Division Five of the FBI.
18. Virtually all the book-length material on Sir William Stephenson and the British Security Coordination-Special Operations Executive is "official cover story" commissioned by the SOE to provide limited exposure to aspects of its operations while withholding the most illegal and anti-American activities. Two books that fit this "official cover story" description, but which provide numerous references to Stephenson's methods of operation, including his penetration into every level of the U.S. military command with his SOE agents, are: H. Montgomery Hyde, Room 3603 (New York: Ballantine Books, 1962) and William Stevenson, A Man Called Intrepid (New York: Ballantine Books, 1976).
19. Richard Deacon, A History of the British Secret Service (New York: Taplinger Publishing Company, 1970), p. 296.
20. Anon., Perm index Papers, p. 265.
21. Ibid., p. 196.
22. Rodney Campbell, The Luciano Project (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1977); see also Julian Semyonov, "Capriccio Siciliano," Ogonyok (Moscow), October-November, 1978.
23. Julian Semyonov, "Capriccio Siciliano," reprinted in English translation from Ogonyok in Executive Intelligence Review 43 (1978): 38.
24. As reported in the Permindex Papers, pp. 46-51, Permindex included among its investors: Morris Dalitz, the organized crime czar of Cleveland and Las Vegas and a personal associate of Lansky dating back to Prohibition; Joseph Bonanno, the New York City and Phoenix mobster who took control over the New York City-based Lionel Corporation and used it as a business front for a variety of criminal activities that included investment in Permindex; Carlos Prio Socarras, the President of Cuba from 1948-52 who subsequently became the chief of Meyer Lansky's gambling racket in Havana until the Castro takeover.
25. Messick, Lansky, p. 241.
26. Canadian Who's Who (Toronto: TransCanada Press) Vols. 7, 8, 9, 10; and (Toronto: Who's Who Canada Publishers) Vols. 11,12,13.
27. The most comprehensive documentation of the bankrupting of BCI is contained in an unpublished report by Richard Freeman, "The Case of Investors Overseas Services: Dirty Money International," August 12, 1978; see also Robert Hutchinson, Vesco (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1974).
28. Messick, Lansky, p. 248.
29. Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 105; and Messick, Lansky, p. 248.
30. George Nichols, "Exclusive: The Mossad — Who Is Behind This Secret, Global Gang of Political Terrorists Who Intimidate Presidents?" The Spotlight 39 (1978): 13-16.
31. The Economics Department of the University of Vienna, known as the Vienna School, was founded as a joint project of the British Fabian Society, the Rothschilds, and the Austrian royal Hapsburg family. In 1868, the British Foreign Office established the Royal Colonial Institute at the initiative of the Sassoon family, among others. Its principal sources of funding were the Hongkong and Shanghai Corp. and Barclays Bank. The head of the institute, Alfred Marshall, was also the chief economist for Cecil Rhodes. According to the Official History of the Fabian Society, from 1884-92, Marshall, in collaboration with Fabian Executive members Beatrice and Sidney Webb, founded three institutes of economics. These three institutions to this day produce the membership for the Order of St. John's Mont Pelerin Society.

The Vienna School was established in 1884 on the strength of London School of Economics publications building the credibility of Karl von Menger, head of the University of Vienna Economics Department and the personal economic advisor to the Hapsburg court. Menger, an impoverished nobleman working as a journalist, had been turned into the personal economic tutor of Hapsburg Crown Prince Rudolph in 1876 by Baron Albert Rothschild, head of the family's Vienna House. Each of Menger's disciples was a Rothschild recruit from the Hapsburg nobility: Eugen Bohm von Bawerk was a member of the House of Lords and three times Austrian finance minister from 1896-1904; Friedrich von Weiser, also a Lord, was the Minister of Commerce.

In addition to Tibor Rosenbaum, some of the leading products of the Vienna School are Friedrich von Hayek, Herbert von Mises, and Nikolai Bukharin.
32. Who's Who in Great Britain; see also 1977 Annual Report of the Bank Leumi.
33. The U.S. government has recently gone on record as believing that David Graiver is indeed still alive. Graiver achieved notoriety when his American Bank and Trust Company in New York City went bankrupt in 1976, amid charges that Graiver had siphoned off some $50 million from the bank and then disappeared. A federal indictment was sought and gotten. When Graiver was reported to have been killed in a plane crash, those charges were dropped. In June 1978, the U.S. Attorney for the South District of New York petitioned for the charges to be reinstated. The petition was granted the same month. See The New York Times and the Wall Street Journal of June 3-30,1978.

Rosenbaum was a board member of the American Bank and Trust, which acted as the conduit for various illegal payments — including the $5 million in bribes that Graiver paid to Argentine officials during 1975 to "persuade" them to purchase Canada's Candu nuclear reactor system rather than the originally preferred Westinghouse nuclear reactor. Graiver received these funds from the Canadian government's official broker in that matter, Israeli broker and foreign intelligence operative Shaul Eisenberg.

Graiver, Eisenberg, Rosenbaum, American Bank and Trust chairman Abe Feinberg, were all proteges of Nahum Goldmann, the man who brought most of them out of Europe through his 1938 deal with Heinrich Himmler to select out Jews from Nazi Germany and occupied Austria. Goldmann, the long-time head of the World Jewish Congreess, was recently replaced by Chicago-based partner of Salomon Brothers, Phillip Klutznik; he is the man who sold the American Bank Trust to Graiver — he ran it on behalf of the Israeli government — in 1975

34. Who's Who in Canada; see also Wiznitzer, "Will Garrison's Inquiry."
35. Col. Sir Edwin King and Sir Harry Luke, The Knights of St. John in the British Realm — Being the Official History of the Most Venerable Order of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem (London: Hills & Lacy, 1924).
36. See New York Times Index citation on "Banque de Credit Internationale" and "Tibor Rosenbaum," particularly covering the period of September through December, 1974, for numerous references to the exposure of Bank Hapoalim and related institutions' involvement in money laundering; see also Katherine Burdman, "The British Crown's Secret Financial Capability: Israeli Banking," Executive Intelligence Review 44 (IMS).
37. Criton Zoakos, et al., "The Black International Terrorist Assassination Plot to Kill Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.," Campaigner Special Report (New York: Campaigner Publications, 1977), p. 29.
38. Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 87.
39. Ladislas Farago, Aftermath: Martin Bormann and the Fourth Reich (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1974); see also William Stevenson, The Bormann Brotherhood (New York: Bantam Books, Inc., 1973).
40. Two Rome interviews conducted from August 10-16,1978, with prominent Italian journalists and one Austrian journalist who request to remain anonymous. The interviews were conducted by members of the Rome staff of the New Solidarity Press Service at the request of the authors.
41. Max Gallo, Mussolini's Italy: Twenty Years of the Fascist Era (New York: Macmillan Company, 1973).
42. Anon., Permindex Papers, p. 97.
43. Ibid., p. 178.
44. Ibid., p. 213.
45. Ibid., p. 212.
46. Edward J. Epstein, Agency of Fear — Opiates and Political Power in America (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1977).


1. Hutchinson, Vesco.
2. Messick, Lansky, pp. 221-51. Lansky had had his eye on the Bahamas since the 1940s, but his attention was then fixed on his Cuban and Las Vegas casino empires. (Castro's refusal to play ball with the Hofjuden mob allegedly inspired Lansky to issue a $1 million "contract" on Castro's life.) With the 1959 fall of the Batista government the Bahama option became an imperative. Thus, it was no accident that the British gave the go-ahead for legalized gambling not only for their Caribbean holdings but in Britain as well. Messick reports (p. 228): "All that was needed in 1960 was to find a semirespectable front from which he (Lansky — ed.) could operate."
3. Ibid., p. 228.
4. Ibid., p. 229.
5. Ibid., pp. 230-32; see also Jim Hougan, "A Surfeit of Spies," Harpers, December 1974, p. 58; Frank J. Prial, "Concern Fights Crime in Business," New York Times, July 26,1970, Business Section, p. 1, p. 11.
6. Messick, Lansky, pp. 230-231, 235.
7. Ibid., pp. 232-233.
8. Ibid., p. 232; see also Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies," pp. 58,63.
9. Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies," pp. 58,63.
10. Hutchinson, Vesco; see also James Hougan, Spooks: The Haunting of America — The Private Use of Secret Agents (New York: William Morrow and Co., 1978), pp. 390-392.
11. Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies," p. 54.
12. Ibid., pp. 66-67; see also Hutchinson, Vesco.
13. Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies,"pp. 54, 56: see also Prial, "Concern Fights Crime," p. 11.
14. Hougan, "Surfeit of Spies," p. 66: Hougan's information is corroborated by the authors' interviews with law enforcement officials.


1. Testimony of labor racketeer, James Plumeri (Jimmy Doyle) before the McClellan Subcommittee on Criminal Laws and Procedures; see also Congressman Sam Steiger's insertion into the Congressional Record of the 91st Congress, "Emprise: A Lesson in Corporate Calumny."
2. Testimony of Plumeri before the McClellan Subcommittee on Criminal Laws and Procedures.
3. From their positions in Cleveland and Buffalo, the Jacobs family was a Bronfman link into the United States in alliance with the Reinfeld Syndicate and the Big Seven Combine (see Section 1).
4. "Emprise: A Lesson in Corporate Calumny," 91st Congressional Record, p. 5888; "Emprise: A Little More of the Iceberg Exposed," 91st Congressional Record, p. 6830.
5. Many of the Justice Department officials who worked with Robert Kennedy in the "Get Hoffa" campaign turned up playing supporting roles in forcing Richard Nixon out of office, particularly when Nixon demonstrated a commitment to go after organized crime. This includes most especially Horace S. Webb.
6. Jeremy Jacobs admitted to the activities directed against Steiger under questioning during 1972 hearings of the House Select Committee on Crime.
7. U.S. Labor Party Legal Division, "Evidence to Overturn the Fraudulent Election of James Earl Carter," Campaigner Special Report (New York: Campaigner Publications, November 26, 1976); U.S. Labor Party Legal Division, "Conclusive Evidence of Carter Vote Theft Goes Before Federal Court in Ohio and New York," Campaigner Special Report (New York: Campaigner Publications, December 9, 1976). The Committee for Fair Elections, a nonpartisan citizens group representing participation from the U.S. Labor Party, the Democratic, Republican, and American Independent parties, initiated official investigations and selective court actions in Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, New York, and Ohio as the result of accumulated evidence of overwhelming fraud in the general elections of November, 1976. In addition to extensive regional press coverage of the specific legal actions, the investigations and legal actions received national coverage on CBS television news (The Seven O'Clock Report) by Walter Cronkite and in the Washington Star by Jack Germond.

During those same 1976 general elections, the following additional situations suggested similar evidence of election tampering on a large scale:

* Rep. Richard Torny was convicted of vote fraud in the Louisiana Democratic primary following a federal grand jury investigation. Torny was removed from the congressional seat that he won in the subsequent November general election.

* Ron Paul, a former U.S. congressman, contested the general elections in Austin, Texas, in which he was narrowly defeated by Democratic Party candidate Robert Gamage. Paul proved sizable fraud before the courts: however, the judge ruled that sufficient magnitude of fraud to turn the elections had not been shown and denied Paul's motion to be placed in Congress.

* Two witnesses to massive fraud by Congressman William Clay (DMo.) in the November elections in St. Louis subsequently died under violent and mysterious circumstances. Clay is linked to the Jacobs family interests (see below in text).

8. "Critic Changes Tune," Courier Express (Buffalo, N.Y.), January 27, 1977.
9. According to a July 1978 edition of the Toronto Globe-Mail, Mark Phillips stayed at the residence of Koffler when he went to Canada.
10. Courier Express, December 28,1970.-11. According to the June 15, 1972, Buffalo Evening News, Max Jacobs was a heavy contributor to Scoop Jackson.
12.' The information presented here on the HongShang takeover attempt is on the public record and was reported in the Courier Express.
13. Courier Express, February 24,1976.
14. The top Israeli purveyor of weapons to the Central American dictatorships is one Shaul Eisenberg, who operates behind a myriad of trading company fronts, of which the best known is "United Development, Inc." with headquarters in Panama. Eisenberg is the world's largest supplier of assassination weapons, as well as the "godfather" of the Israel Aircraft Company, the manufacturer of Israel's Kfir fighter plane. According to the Washington Post of September 11, 1978, he is also one of the most senior operatives of the Israeli secret intelligence, the Mossad. With specializations in the Far East and Latin America, Eisenberg runs the Zurich Mossad station, under the day-to-day control of the Zurich branch of Bank Leumi and hte personal direction of a Swiss-based member of the Oppenheimer family. Apart from the arming of such entities as the Somoza dictatorship of Nicaragua, the capabilities of the Eisenberg operation include Israel's main illicit connections to the Far East, where Eisenberg spent World War II, and a significant portion of wholesale drug transshipments across the Mediterranean route. Eisenberg build (and paid for in cash) a building dubbed "Adia House" in Tel Aviv, housing most of the Asian countries' trade representatives in Israel. He also has a billion-dollar credit line in Hong Kong at the Standard Chartered Bank.
15. Zoakos, Assassination Plot, pp. 9-11. The information was originally developed in a July 15, 1978 telephone interview with Paul Bowden, the head of the Detroit Anti-Nazi Coalition and himself a retired UAW worker.
16. Jeffrey Steinberg, "Jacobs Family and Related Organized Crime Activities in the St. Louis, Mo. Area," an unpublished manuscript (New York), October 1978.


1. Phone interview with official of Paco Pharmaceuticals. For Ernst Japhet control over Paco, see Charterhouse Japhet Annual Report, 1977.
2. Proceedings and Yearbook, Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends, 1978, cites "friendly presence group" activities to conduct nonviolent demonstrations in support of human rights for MOVE (p. 11-12) and operations request of $2000 per month for work in conjunction with vigil at MOVE headquarters (p. 16). According to the Philadelphia Inquirer, a diary was found at MOVE headquarters after the September 1978 shootout citing support, including financial support, from the American Friends Service Committee.
3. William Penn Foundation Annual Report for 1977 cites $120,000 to Neighborhood Resources West (p. 39). The wife of the director for the Movement for a New Society is on the board of directors of the NRW. NRW funds Movement houses in West Philadelphia for "community development," according to interviews with "members of both the NRS and the Movement for a New Society. The Annual Report of the Philadelphia Foundation for the year ending April 1977 and also for 1976 cites over $20,000 transferred to a "clearinghouse" which in turn funds community projects (p. 14); see also Proceedings and Yearbook, Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, pp. 183-84.

Source: ZioPedia

1 comment:

  1. Hi Nice Blog .If your time is less valuable, then it is probably less worthwhile to employee time attendance.